"Blanket shutdowns of public transport to pre-empt protests sacrifice the rights of many for the conduct of a few." Critically examine in light of Article 19 and the doctrine of proportionality.
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Article 19(1)(b) and (d) guarantee peaceful assembly and free movement. The State can limit them only through "reasonable restrictions", for example for public order. On October 10, 2026, Delhi's Metro and rail services were reportedly shut during the anti-CEC-SIR protests, and the shutdown is now being challenged in the Supreme Court [1]. The case tests whether such blanket measures can be called reasonable.
Proportionality: the constitutional test
- Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India (2020): a restriction must have a legitimate aim, be necessary, and use the least restrictive means [2].
- Section 144 CrPC orders (now Section 163 BNSS) must state material facts and be published. Passing them again and again is an abuse of power [3].
Why the statement largely holds
- Hits everyone: a closed Metro stops workers, patients and students just as it stops protesters. This curtails Art. 19(1)(d) and affects livelihoods under Art. 21.
- Fails the least-restrictive limb: the State had narrower options, such as closing nearby stations, diverting trains or managing crowds at the venue.
- Chills political speech: protest against an electoral body is core expression under Art. 19(1)(a) and (b).
- Global benchmark: the UN human rights office (OHCHR) found that shutdowns "very rarely" pass the proportionality test because they are indiscriminate [4]. The same logic applies to transport.
- Reasons given after the event: the Centre asked for more time to make its affidavit "more comprehensive" [1]. This suggests the reasons were not recorded when the order was made.
The State's counter-view
- Art. 19(2) and (3) expressly allow restrictions for public order. Bhasin accepted restrictions in a genuine emergency [3].
- Police often act on intelligence within hours, so courts usually give some leeway to decisions made on the spot.
- Preventing stampedes at crowded stations and keeping constitutional bodies like the ECI from being blockaded are legitimate aims.
- A closure lasting a few hours is far less severe than the months-long communication shutdown in J&K.
Verdict
Public order is a valid aim, but a blanket method that cannot tell a commuter from a protester rarely passes the necessity and least-restrictive tests. The way forward is written, reasoned and published orders; closures limited to specific stations and fixed hours; regular review; and a standard procedure for managing protests. Such steps would protect public order while respecting the Preamble's promise of liberty, so that the many are not punished for the conduct of a few.
Sources
- 1The Hindu, "SC gives Centre more time to reply to pleas against detentions, transport shutdown" (14 Oct 2026)Oct 10 Metro and rail shutdown during the anti-CEC-SIR protests; Centre sought time to make its affidavit "more comprehensive"
- 2Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India, W.P. (C) No. 1031 of 2019, Supreme Court judgment, 10 Jan 2020legitimate aim, necessity and least-restrictive-means test
- 3PRS Legislative Research, Monthly Policy Review, January 2020Section 144 orders must state material facts and be published; repeated orders are an abuse of power; restrictions allowed in emergencies
- 4OHCHR report to the UN Human Rights Council, "Internet shutdowns: trends, causes, legal implications and impacts on a range of human rights", A/HRC/50/55 (2022)indiscriminate shutdowns "very rarely" meet the proportionality test