·The Hindu·15 marks·250–350 words

“The contempt jurisdiction of the Supreme Court under Article 129 is meant to protect the administration of justice, not the dignity of judges.” Critically examine with reference to recent instances.

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In this answer
  1. Protecting the administration of justice: the core purpose
  2. Drift towards protecting dignity: the concerns

Article 129 makes the Supreme Court a court of record with power to punish contempt of itself. The Court holds that this power is not confined to the Contempt of Courts Act, 1971 [1]. Its stated purpose is to keep justice working. In practice, however, it often slides into protecting how judges are seen.

Protecting the administration of justice: the core purpose

  • Enforcing orders: The Law Commission recorded 96,993 civil but only 583 criminal contempt cases pending in the High Courts and the Supreme Court [2]. Most contempt work is about getting court orders obeyed, not answering insults.
  • In Re Upendra Nath Dalai (Jul 2025): The SC convicted a litigant who did not pay costs it had imposed, ignored warrants and called its notice "useless" [1]. His defiance directly blocked the Court's work.
  • Statutory filter: Under Sec. 15, a private person needs the written consent of the AG/SG to start criminal contempt [3]. This screens out petitions filed for revenge.

Drift towards protecting dignity: the concerns

  • "Scandalising the court": Law Commission Report No. 274 chose to keep this offence [2]. It punishes words that lower the court's standing, which is close to protecting judges' dignity rather than the justice process.
  • Judge in its own cause: Because Art. 129 is not bound by the Act, the Court can act suo motu without AG consent [1]. Ordinary criminal-trial safeguards are weakened.
  • Global contrast: The UK abolished the offence of scandalising the court. Its last such prosecution was in 1931 [2].
  • Oct 2026 plea: A pending petition seeks criminal contempt against Opposition leaders for a "political procession" to the SC about the ECI's SIR of electoral rolls. A linked application alleges that a pregnant journalist was pushed [4]. The leaders went to the Registry as petitioners, which is lawful. The alleged assault is a matter for ordinary criminal law. Using contempt here risks chilling dissent about constitutional bodies.

Contempt is legitimate when it secures compliance with orders and keeps proceedings orderly. It is suspect when it shields reputations. Three steps would keep Article 129 true to its purpose:

  • A conduct-based test: did the act actually obstruct justice?
  • Reasoned orders on when AG consent is needed.
  • Ordinary criminal law for physical incidents.

Public confidence in the judiciary rests on transparent, fair justice, not on punishing criticism. That is the balance Article 19(1)(a) expects.

Sources

  1. 1Supreme Court of India, Order dated 15 Jul 2025, In Re: Contempt against Upendra Nath Dalai, Suo Motu Contempt Petition (C) No. 3 of 2023Art. 129 power not confined to the 1971 Act; no consent needed for suo motu contempt; conviction for disobedience and derogatory language
  2. 2Law Commission Report No. 274, Review of the Contempt of Courts Act, 1971 — PRS Legislative Research summary (2018)96,993 civil vs 583 criminal cases pending; "scandalising the court" retained; UK abolition, last prosecution in 1931
  3. 3The Contempt of Courts Act, 1971 (Act No. 70 of 1971) — India CodeSec. 15 AG/SG written-consent requirement
  4. 4"SC to list plea against Rahul for 'pushing' pregnant journalist" — The Hindu, 17 Oct 2026Opposition march, criminal-contempt petition, allegation about the journalist

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