Despite a statutory commission and advanced forecasting tools, Delhi's air‑quality crisis persists. Examine the institutional and federal constraints.

The CAQM Act, 2021 replaced EPCA (1998) with a statutory commission for the NCR and adjoining areas [1]. IITM–IMD tools already break down pollution by sector and district [2]. AIRWISE now forecasts pollution sources at 400 m resolution, 72 hours ahead [3]. Yet winter smog keeps returning, because the real constraint is execution, not information.

Institutional constraints

• Unspent funds: Delhi used only 17% of the NCAP funds released to it, while Rajasthan used 86%. In 2024-25, the Control of Pollution scheme spent ₹16 crore out of ₹859 crore budgeted [4].
• Missing enforcers: 33% of CPCB posts were vacant in March 2023 [4]. Ward-level forecasts are useless without inspectors.
• Unaudited action: Sector shares were available by 2022 [2], yet GRAP restrictions are rarely checked for whether the targeted source actually declined.
• Shifting sources: In winter, secondary particulates (~27%) make up the largest share of PM2.5, ahead of transport (23%). In summer, dust leads [5]. Secondary particles form when gases from many sources react in the air, so no single agency owns them.
• Split mandates: The science sits with MoES institutions [3], while regulation lies with CAQM, CPCB and the state boards. This means coordination, not command.

Federal constraints

• Transboundary smoke: About 20% of Delhi's post-monsoon PM2.5 came from fires outside Delhi [2]. The 401st Parliamentary Standing Committee Report linked October–November smog to stubble burning in Punjab and Haryana. It also flagged shortages of machinery and high costs for small farmers [4].
• Fragmented enforcement: CAQM covers the NCT and parts of Haryana, Punjab, Rajasthan and UP [1], but action on the ground depends on states with different political priorities.
• Misaligned incentives: The source states bear the cost of control, while Delhi bears the health burden.

Way forward

• Each GRAP order should state the AIRWISE source share it targets and publish the results [3].
• Link part of NCAP grants to how much of the money is actually used [4], and fill CPCB vacancies.
• Fund AATAL's yearly running costs under Mission Mausam [6].

Delhi's crisis is less a shortage of knowledge than a failure of implementation and federal coordination. Turning source data into accountability, through audited GRAP actions, spending-linked grants and cooperative Centre–state cost-sharing, can secure the right to clean air under Article 21 and advance SDG 11.6.