Discuss the challenges posed by the militarisation of Earth's orbit to global commercial and civilian satellite infrastructure. Suggest a governance framework.
The Outer Space Treaty, 1967 bars only weapons of mass destruction from orbit, leaving conventional and anti-satellite systems unregulated [1]. As orbit becomes a contested military domain [4], the burden falls on commercial and civilian satellites that underpin communications, navigation, banking and disaster response.
Challenges to commercial and civilian infrastructure
- Debris as the transmission channel: kinetic attacks and break-ups scatter long-lived fragments that strike all users indiscriminately. In 2024 alone, 3,665 objects entered the tracked population, a single Chinese CZ-6A upper-stage break-up adding about 650 catalogued pieces [2].
- Rising operating costs for civilian assets: ISRO analysed over 53,000 close-approach alerts and executed 10 collision-avoidance manoeuvres for Indian satellites in 2024 [2]. Every manoeuvre burns propellant, shortening mission life and raising insurance and replacement costs.
- Erosion of civilian immunity: armed forces increasingly lease commercial communication and imaging capacity, blurring the civilian–military distinction that International Humanitarian Law presumes, and exposing private operators to targeting.
- Escalation risk from ambiguity: no agreed definition of a "hostile act" in orbit exists; two manoeuvrable satellites closing in can each read the other as an attack.
- Governance deadlock: the Security Council twice failed in 2024 to adopt a first-ever resolution on preventing an arms race in outer space, after a Russian veto [3]; the First Committee remains split between binding treaties and voluntary norms [4].
A workable governance framework
- Behaviour-first norms: prior notification of close approaches, minimum separation distances, and no interference with civilian satellites — these need no agreed definition of a "weapon."
- Ban destructive ASAT testing, which is verifiable since break-ups appear in tracking catalogues within days; India, having already demonstrated Mission Shakti at low altitude [5], can join at negligible strategic cost.
- Plurilateral verification: expand independent space-situational-awareness sharing, including ISRO's IS4OM [2], so no single power monopolises orbital data.
- Binding instrument as the goal: sustain India's call at the Conference on Disarmament for a multilaterally negotiated, verifiable treaty [4].
Militarisation threatens the orbital commons that civilian development depends on. India, both a victim of debris and a counter-space state, is uniquely placed to bridge the binding-versus-voluntary divide — advancing rules of the road now while keeping a verifiable treaty as the destination, consistent with its treatment of outer space as the province of all humankind.
Sources
- 1Outer Space Treaty, 1967 — UNOOSAtreaty bans only WMDs in orbit, not conventional or ASAT weapons
- 2Indian Space Situational Assessment Report (ISSAR) 2024, ISRO/IS4OM3,665 new tracked objects; ~650 fragments from CZ-6A break-up; 53,000+ close-approach alerts; 10 collision-avoidance manoeuvres; IS4OM's mandate
- 3Security Council Fails, for Second Time, to Adopt First-Ever Resolution on Preventing Arms Race in Outer Space (2024)UNSC deadlock after Russian veto
- 4Outer Space Becoming Contested Domain for Supremacy… First Committee Hears (2023)orbit as contested military domain; binding-versus-voluntary rift; India's support for a multilaterally negotiated legally binding instrument
- 5PIB — India Joins Select Group of Nations, Destroys Live Satellite in Low Earth Orbit (Mission Shakti, 2019)DRDO BMD interceptor hit an Indian satellite in LEO in "hit to kill" mode