·The Hindu·15 marks·250–350 words

Discuss how the doctrine of proportionality has reshaped the 'reasonable restrictions' framework for the freedom of assembly in India.

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In this answer
  1. The earlier framework
  2. How proportionality reshaped it
  3. Persisting gaps

Article 19(1)(b) gives citizens the right to assemble peaceably and without arms. Article 19(3) allows "reasonable restrictions" on it only in the interest of public order and the sovereignty and integrity of India [1]. Proportionality has changed the question courts ask. Earlier they asked whether the State may restrict assembly. Now they also ask how much it may restrict.

The earlier framework

  • Courts mainly checked whether a law fell within a permitted ground. Prior-permission rules were upheld because 19(1)(b) is not a right to meet at any place and time [2].
  • Even so, Himat Lal K. Shah (1973) struck down unguided discretion to refuse permission as unreasonable. This was the seed of proportionality [2].

How proportionality reshaped it

  • A structured test: Anuradha Bhasin (2020) held that restrictions, including Section 144 CrPC orders, must pursue a legitimate aim and be necessary. They must also be the least restrictive option and be published so courts can review them [3].
  • From ground to fit: Citing "public order" is no longer enough. The State must show that the measure is not excessive [3].
  • Balancing rights: In Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (2018), the Court weighed protesters' Article 19 rights against residents' Article 21 rights. It rejected a total ban at Jantar Mantar but allowed the site to be regulated [4].
  • Global alignment: The UN Human Rights Committee's General Comment No. 37 treats blanket restrictions as presumed to be disproportionate [5].

Persisting gaps

  • Permission systems survive in India, while General Comment 37 prefers a simple notice system [2][5].
  • Prohibitory orders covering whole central areas keep being issued [4].
  • Distant designated sites may look valid but defeat the "sight and sound" purpose of protest, which is to be seen and heard by its audience [5].
  • Heavy security deployment, including soldiers, sits poorly with General Comment 37's position that the military should not police assemblies [5].

Proportionality has moved the burden of justification onto the State. Restrictions on assembly can now be tested for necessity and fit, not just legality. Notice-based protest rules, written criteria for refusals and quick court remedies would carry this change from courtrooms to the streets. This would uphold the Preamble's promise of liberty of expression and keep peaceful dissent a legitimate part of India's democracy.

Sources

  1. 1Constitution of India, Articles 19(1)(b) and 19(3), Legislative Department, Ministry of Law and Justiceright to assemble and the grounds for restricting it
  2. 2Supreme Court of India, Himat Lal K. Shah v. Commissioner of Police, Ahmedabad (1973)no right to meet at any place and time; unguided discretion struck down
  3. 3Supreme Court of India, Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India (10 Jan 2020)necessity and least-restrictive test; Section 144 orders must be published and can be reviewed
  4. 4Supreme Court of India, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan v. Union of India (23 Jul 2018)balancing protesters' and residents' rights; total ban at Jantar Mantar rejected; repeated Section 144 orders over Central Delhi
  5. 5UN Human Rights Committee, General Comment No. 37 (2020) on Article 21 ICCPRblanket restrictions presumed disproportionate; notice preferred over permission; "sight and sound"; no military policing of assemblies

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