·The Hindu·15 marks·250–350 words

Dissent is the safety valve of democracy. How should the state balance the right to peaceful assembly against the rights of other citizens?

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In this answer
  1. Why dissent works as a safety valve
  2. The competing rights of other citizens
  3. How the state should strike the balance

In Re Ramlila Maidan Incident (2012), the Supreme Court held that citizens have a fundamental right to assemble and protest peacefully, and that arbitrary executive action cannot take it away [1]. This right flows from Articles 19(1)(a) and 19(1)(b), so the state's task is to regulate dissent, not to suppress it.

Why dissent works as a safety valve

  • Accountability between elections: protest carries grievances to those in power. The Civil Disobedience Movement (1930) turned streets and maidans into places where citizens made claims on the state.
  • Defuses conflict: a grievance that gets heard rarely turns violent. In MKSS (2018) the Court set aside a blanket ban on demonstrations in Central Delhi and recognised legitimate dissent as a democratic necessity [2].
  • Voice for the marginalised: workers, farmers and minorities often have no platform other than public space.

The competing rights of other citizens

  • Mobility and livelihood: in Amit Sahni (Shaheen Bagh, 2020), the Court held that public roads cannot be occupied indefinitely at the cost of commuters [3].
  • Residents' peace: MKSS limited protest to a part of the Jantar Mantar area so that residents would not be disturbed [2].
  • Public order: Article 19(3) allows reasonable restrictions in the interests of sovereignty, integrity and public order [2].

How the state should strike the balance

  • Time, place and manner rules: regulate the logistics of a protest, never its message [2].
  • Proportionality: choose the least restrictive measure. Avoid blanket bans or routine Section 163 BNSS (Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita) orders.
  • Meaningful sites: designated venues should stay within sight and reach of the seats of power. Withdrawing a venue, as with the recent curbs at Jantar Mantar, should be justified like any other restriction on a fundamental right.
  • Notification, not permission: the UN Human Rights Committee's General Comment No. 37 warns that permit regimes weaken the idea of assembly as a right [4]. Any refusal should be a reasoned, written order issued early enough to be challenged in court.
  • Facilitative policing: use graded, accountable force. The Court condemned the midnight crackdown at Ramlila Maidan [1].
  • Dialogue first: the Court appointed interlocutors at Shaheen Bagh before deciding the case [3].

Protecting dissent and protecting other citizens' rights are compatible aims. A state that sets limits on how long and how disruptively people protest, while keeping visible spaces open, does both. Clear guidelines, reasoned decisions and judicial review would keep Article 19 meaningful and uphold the Preamble's promise of liberty of thought and expression.

Sources

  1. 1Supreme Court of India, *In Re: Ramlila Maidan Incident v. Home Secretary, Union of India* (2012) 5 SCC 1peaceful assembly as a fundamental right; midnight police crackdown held unconstitutional
  2. 2[Supreme Court of India, *Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan v. Union of India*, [2018] 11 SCR 586](https://digiscr.sci.gov.in/view_judgment?id=NDU3Mg%3D%3D) — Arts. 19(1)(a)/(b) and 19(3); no blanket ban on Central Delhi protests; regulation of time, place and manner; residents' rights
  3. 3Supreme Court of India, *Amit Sahni v. Commissioner of Police*, Civil Appeal No. 3282 of 2020 (7 Oct 2020)public ways cannot be occupied indefinitely; right to protest weighed against commuters' mobility; interlocutors appointed
  4. 4UN Human Rights Committee, General Comment No. 37 (2020) on the right of peaceful assembly (Article 21, ICCPR)permit regimes weaken assembly as a right; duties of states and law-enforcement agencies

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