India's acceptance of the WTO Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies reflects a calibrated balance between conservation and livelihood security. Critically examine.
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On 20 July 2026, India became the 123rd WTO Member to accept the Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies (AFS). The agreement had entered into force on 15 September 2025 [2]. India accepted Phase 1 and kept bargaining hard on Phase 2. This largely balances ocean conservation with fishers' livelihoods, but the balance is not complete.
Conservation: commitments India can honour
- Phase 1 bans subsidies for IUU fishing and overfished stocks [2] and for fishing on the unregulated high seas. These are the most harmful practices, so the ban advances SDG 14.6.
- The cost to India is low. Its support averages about US$15 per fisher and goes mostly to safety and subsistence, not to industrial fleets fishing far out at sea [1].
- Accepting gives India credibility as a responsible maritime nation while it keeps its leverage for Phase 2 [1].
Livelihood: policy space preserved
- Subsidies for fuel, gear, ice and vessels are central to Indian state schemes. They fall under Phase 2, which is still being negotiated [1].
- India wants a 25-year transition within EEZs and a per-fisher benchmark. Its case is fairness: fleets in the EU, US and China get US$1,000 or more per fisher [1].
- At MC13, India pointed out that fuel makes up about 22% of global fisheries subsidies. Most of this is non-specific (not limited to fishers), and the draft texts left it out [4].
Where the calibration falls short
- Conservation gains stay partial. Phase 1 does not touch subsidies that drive overcapacity (too many boats chasing too few fish).
- Fuel support is inefficient. The OECD finds that input subsidies push up fishing effort the most. In some cases, less than 10% of a fuel subsidy's value reaches fishers [5].
- The timelines clash. Under Article 12, the AFS ends if comprehensive disciplines are not adopted within 4 years of entry into force [3]. A 25-year transition does not fit inside that window.
- Small boats can overfish too. Large artisanal fleets can deplete coastal stocks, and the OECD's point about cheap inputs applies to them as well [5].
- Capacity gaps. India still has weak stock-assessment capacity, and WTO enforcement is weaker while the Appellate Body is non-functional.
India's acceptance is a carefully calibrated beginning: a low-cost conservation commitment that keeps livelihood leverage intact. The real test is Phase 2. Before MC15, India should:
- link longer transitions to stock assessments that show stocks are healthy;
- move PM Matsya Sampada Yojana support from fuel towards safety, insurance and monitoring;
- build a Bay of Bengal (BOBP-IGO) coalition behind a per-fisher proposal [1][3].
This would line up equity with SDG 14 and keep the ocean commons sustainable for future generations.
Sources
- 1India's WTO fisheries ratification: A pragmatic step, with more to negotiate — PIB, Ministry of Fisheries, Animal Husbandry & Dairying (8 Oct 2026)US$15 per fisher vs US$1,000+; fuel, gear and vessel subsidies left to Phase 2; 25-year EEZ transition and per-fisher benchmark; maritime credibility; BOBP-IGO
- 2India Becomes a Party to the WTO Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies by Depositing its Instrument of Acceptance — PIB, Department of Commerce (Jul 2026)123rd Member, 20 July 2026; entry into force 15 Sept 2025; IUU and overfished-stock bans
- 3WTO MC14 Briefing Note: Fisheries SubsidiesArticle 12 four-year sunset clause; mandate to recommend disciplines to MC15
- 4WTO negotiation session on Fisheries Subsidies held at Abu Dhabi MC13 — PIB (Feb 2024)fuel is ~22% of fisheries subsidies, mostly non-specific
- 5OECD: Relative Effects of Fisheries Support Policiesinput subsidies raise fishing effort most; under 10% of fuel-subsidy value reaches fishers in some cases