Political mobilisation around constitutional institutions can undermine their neutrality. Examine this in the light of recent protests involving the Supreme Court and the Election Commission.
New · District CollectorCan you hold the district for 72 hours?Floods, a heatwave, an outbreak, a grievance queue. Take the decisions, see the consequences.Play →People trust the Supreme Court and the Election Commission of India (Art. 324) mainly because they are seen as neutral. In October 2026, Opposition leaders planned a march to the Supreme Court as part of their anti-CEC protests. CJI Surya Kant said that peaceful protest must take place but that the Court "should not be dragged into it" [1]. The episode shows that mobilisation can strain neutrality, though the State's response often does more harm.
How mobilisation threatens neutrality
- Institution as a stage: A march to the Court makes it a symbol in a partisan dispute. The CJI's "We are not concerned about any political party" was meant to keep that distance [1].
- Trust in the referee: Protests aimed at the CEC turn a dispute into one about a person. This can weaken trust in the body that runs elections, whatever the merits of the complaint.
- Access to justice hit: Heavy security, the detention of lawyers and the Internet suspension got in the way of lawyers and litigants, as the SCBA pointed out [1]. This is an Art. 21 concern.
- Perception trap: If the Court protects its own gate quickly but is slow on the detentions, it may look as if it sides with the executive.
The counter-view
- Peaceful protest is a fundamental right under Art. 19(1)(a) and (b). The SC refused to allow a blanket ban at Jantar Mantar and Boat Club [2].
- The CEC dispute itself began in court (Anoop Baranwal, 2023), so appealing to the Court is part of democratic dialogue.
- Often the bigger threat is State overreach. "Public emergency" is not defined in the suspension rules, and no study of the impact of shutdowns has been done [3].
Way forward
- Supreme Court: hear the SCBA's complaint as a regular case and give a reasoned order.
- Police: set protest zones in advance and keep a clear route for lawyers and litigants, as the MKSS guidelines suggest [2].
- DoT/MHA: define these terms and block only specific services, as the Standing Committee recommended [3].
- Parties: take complaints about the CEC to Parliament, the ECI or designated protest sites.
Mobilisation undermines neutrality when institutions become props in partisan politics, or when a heavy-handed State response makes them look like they are taking sides. Protest that is regulated, not banned, together with open judicial scrutiny of State action, can protect both Art. 19 freedoms and institutional impartiality. This supports free elections and the goal of access to justice for all under SDG 16.
Sources
- 1'Democratic protest must take place, but don't drag SC into it', Krishnadas Rajagopal, The Hindu, 13 Oct 2026CJI's remarks, anti-CEC march, SCBA complaint on detentions and Internet suspension
- 2Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan v. Union of India (2018), Supreme Court judgmentprotest as an Art. 19 right; regulation, not a blanket ban
- 3PRS summary: Standing Committee on Communications and IT, "Suspension of Telecom Services/Internet and its Impact" (Dec 2021)terms left undefined, no impact study, selective blocking recommended