Is pre-emptive restriction of inter-State movement to stop a protest consistent with the doctrine of proportionality? Discuss.
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In October 2026, the Supreme Court called a blanket transit ban into Delhi "over-reaching". Ahead of a planned protest, express trains to Delhi, including from Keralam, had been cancelled and travellers detained in several States [1]. Such curbs restrict both Art. 19(1)(b) (assembly) and Art. 19(1)(d) (movement). They are valid only if they pass the proportionality test, which in blanket form they largely fail.
Proportionality test
- Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India (2020) asks four things: is there a legitimate aim, is the measure suitable, is it the least restrictive option (necessity), and does it balance the rights involved, with safeguards against misuse [2].
Case for pre-emptive restriction
- Public order is a legitimate aim under Art. 19(3) and 19(5), and Bhasin accepts it as the first step of the test [2].
- Crowds in the capital are hard to manage once they gather. Amit Sahni (2020, Shaheen Bagh) held that public ways cannot be occupied indefinitely.
- Targeted preventive orders against specific groups remain allowed when there is credible information that they plan violence [2].
Why blanket inter-State restriction fails
- Necessity: Bhasin bars prohibitory orders against the public in general and requires the least restrictive measure [2]. The police could have regulated the protest site; stopping travel into the capital was close to the harshest option [1].
- Over-breadth: commuters, patients, students and litigants with "no connection whatsoever" to the protest were affected [1].
- Chilling effect: activists were released only on condition that they would not leave their home city, a condition that lasts beyond the protest [1]. The UN Human Rights Committee's General Comment No. 37 says a protest cannot be banned on "generalised references to public order" [3].
- Accountability gap: Delhi Police reports to the Union Home Ministry, yet the detentions took place in several States [1].
- Misplaced burden: as counsel argued, the State's inability to manage protesters cannot justify shutting down a city [1].
Way forward
- Issue published, time-bound, targeted orders under Section 163 BNSS (earlier Section 144 CrPC) that meet the Bhasin standard [2].
- Create open, serviced protest grounds with water, washrooms and medical aid, as the Court suggested. The government has agreed to take a decision on this [1].
- Treat prohibition as the last resort [3].
Pre-emptive curbs on inter-State movement may pursue a legitimate aim, but in blanket form they fail the necessity and balancing steps. Narrow, evidence-based regulation combined with proper protest spaces can protect both public order and the right to dissent, in keeping with Article 19 and India's deliberative democracy.
Sources
- 1The Hindu, "Blanket transit ban in Delhi 'over-reaching': SC", 10 Oct 2026the SC's remark, train cancellations, detentions in several States, release condition, Union control of Delhi Police, alternative-site proposal
- 2Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India, Supreme Court judgment, 10 Jan 2020proportionality steps, no blanket Section 144 orders, least restrictive measure
- 3UN News, "How do you define lawful peaceful protest? The UN Human Rights Committee has a clear answer" (July 2020)General Comment No. 37: bans cannot rest on generalised public-order fears