Regional Fisheries Management Organisations are central to combating IUU fishing. Examine India's role in IOTC and SIOFA.

The high seas cover about 65% of the global ocean and fall outside any single state's jurisdiction [1]. That makes them ideal for Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) fishing. RFMOs fill this governance gap. India has long been a member of the IOTC, and in 2026 it was approved to join SIOFA as a full member. This marks a shift from following rules to helping shape them.

Why RFMOs are central to curbing IUU fishing

• Binding Conservation and Management Measures (CMMs) limit effort and areas. One example is SIOFA's interim bottom-fishing measure, which carries a "move-on" rule for vulnerable marine ecosystems [4].
• Authorised-vessel records and IUU vessel lists mean only listed boats may fish, and offenders are blacklisted [2][4].
• Compliance Committees review each member's record every year [2].
• Under the High Seas Boarding and Inspection (HSBI) Scheme, members can inspect vessels at sea [1].

India in IOTC (highly migratory tuna stocks)

• India has been a Contracting Party since the mid-1990s and is one of 29 members [2].
• It answers to IOTC's Compliance Committee, vessel register and IUU list for how its tuna fleet behaves and reports [2].

India in SIOFA (non-migratory deep-sea stocks)

• India has been a Cooperating Non-Contracting Party (CNCP) since 2022. Accession as a full Contracting Party was approved on 14 October 2026, which brings a vote and access to stock assessments [1].
• Joining the HSBI Scheme adds a coastal-security and maritime-domain-awareness benefit [1].
• At home, the High Seas Fisheries Guidelines, 2025 make a Letter of Authorisation mandatory for Indian vessels fishing the high seas [5].

Limitations

• Capacity gap: Indian vessels mostly fish within 60–80 NM of the coast [1], and India has reported no fishery yet in the SIOFA Area [3].
• Rule-taker legacy: SIOFA set its bottom-fishing limits before India had a vote [4].
• Reciprocal burden: foreign inspectors can board Indian boats, so poor monitoring of even one vessel damages India's compliance record.
• Distant-water dominance: China alone accounts for about 21% of high-seas fishing [1].

RFMOs turn the ocean commons into rule-bound spaces, and India now has a seat in both of the Indian Ocean's main fisheries bodies. To move from rule-taker to rule-maker, India should:

• invest in deep-sea fleets and vessel monitoring;
• send Indian scientists to SIOFA's Scientific Committee;
• give fishing cooperatives fair access to the new fishing rights.

This would advance SDG 14 and India's vision of a secure, sustainably used Indian Ocean.