·The Hindu·15 marks·250–350 words

"The right to protest is not absolute, but its regulation cannot amount to its negation." Discuss in light of judicial pronouncements on Article 19(1)(b).

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In this answer
  1. Why the right is not absolute
  2. Why regulation cannot amount to negation
  3. Way forward

Article 19(1)(b) guarantees citizens the right "to assemble peaceably and without arms". Article 19(3) allows reasonable restrictions only in the interests of sovereignty and integrity of India and public order [1]. Judicial pronouncements show that protest is a protected right that can be regulated. The line courts draw is between managing dissent and extinguishing it.

Why the right is not absolute

  • Built-in limits: only peaceable, unarmed assembly is protected, and violent gatherings fall outside the guarantee [1].
  • Rights of others: in Amit Sahni (2020, Shaheen Bagh), the Supreme Court held that public ways cannot be occupied indefinitely. In 2021 it dismissed the review, holding that protest "cannot be anytime and everywhere" [4].
  • Time, place and manner: Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (2018) allowed protests at Jantar Mantar in a guarded, regulated manner so that residents' interests were balanced [2].

Why regulation cannot amount to negation

  • No blanket bans: in MKSS, the Court called peaceful demonstration a fundamental right under Article 19(1)(a) and (b). It did not uphold a total prohibition and reopened Jantar Mantar for limited use [2].
  • Proportionate enforcement: in Ramlila Maidan (2012), the Court took suo motu notice of a midnight prohibitory order and the forcible eviction of protesters. It set a three-pronged test for restrictions to be valid [3].
  • Dissent is not terror: in Asif Iqbal Tanha (2021), the Delhi High Court held that protest cannot be branded a "terrorist act" under UAPA [5].
  • Global benchmark: UN General Comment 37 treats blanket restrictions as presumptively disproportionate and prohibition as a last resort. It adds that "public order" is not the same as "law and order" [6].
  • Present concern: there are reports of mass preventive detention before a one-day protest in Delhi. Such pre-emptive curbs negate the right before it is ever exercised.

Way forward

  • Issue reasoned, time-bound orders early enough to be challenged in court [6].
  • Choose the least intrusive option first, such as relocating or rescheduling a protest rather than banning it [6].
  • Make officers wear visible identification and set up independent complaint bodies, in line with the Prakash Singh (2006) reforms.

In sum, courts have accepted regulation in order to protect public order and the rights of others, but have rejected prohibition, arbitrary policing and the criminalisation of dissent. Regulation that is proportionate, content-neutral and subject to quick judicial review keeps protest working as democracy's safety valve. This upholds the Preamble's promise of liberty of thought and expression.

Sources

  1. 1Constitution of India, Article 19(1)(b) and 19(3), Legislative Department, GoI: the right to assemble peaceably and without arms, and the grounds for restricting it
  2. 2[Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan v. Union of India, [2018] 11 SCR 586, Digital Supreme Court Reports](https://digiscr.sci.gov.in/view_judgment?id=NDU3Mg%3D%3D): peaceful demonstration is a fundamental right under Article 19(1)(a) and (b), and Jantar Mantar can be used in a regulated manner
  3. 3In Re: Ramlila Maidan Incident (2012) 5 SCC 1, Supreme Court of India: suo motu inquiry into the night-time prohibitory order and forcible evacuation, and the three-pronged test for restrictions
  4. 4Amit Sahni v. Commissioner of Police (C.A. No. 3282 of 2020), Supreme Court of India: public ways cannot be occupied indefinitely, and the 2021 review dismissal
  5. 5Asif Iqbal Tanha v. State (NCT of Delhi), Crl.A. 39/2021, decided 15 June 2021, Delhi High Court: protest cannot be termed a "terrorist act" under UAPA
  6. 6UN Human Rights Committee, General Comment No. 37 (2020), CCPR/C/GC/37: blanket restrictions are presumptively disproportionate (paras 36–38), "public order" is not "law and order" (para 44), prohibition is a last resort (para 52), and access to remedies (para 29)

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