·PIB·15 marks·250–350 wordsGeographyPolityEconomy

Defence diplomacy through joint exercises has become a key instrument of India's foreign policy. Examine with reference to India–Russia naval engagement.

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In this answer
  1. Exercises as a foreign-policy instrument
  2. Operational and economic payoffs
  3. Limitations
  4. Way forward

Defence diplomacy means using military contacts to serve foreign-policy goals. The naval Exercise INDRA 2026 at Vladivostok (13–18 Oct) is officially framed under India's MAHASAGAR vision and as a follow-up to the 23rd India–Russia Annual Summit [1]. This shows that exercises now carry diplomatic weight beyond tactical drills.

Exercises as a foreign-policy instrument

  • Signalling continuity: INDRA keeps the "Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership" (2010) active at a time of shifting global alignments [2].
  • Strategic reach: Sending INS Sahyadri to the North-West Pacific shows Indian naval presence beyond the Indian Ocean [1].
  • Institutional anchoring: Exercises feed into the Annual Summit, the 2+2 dialogue and the IRIGC-M&MTC mechanism [2].
  • Soft power: The harbour phase includes cultural and people-to-people interactions [1].

Operational and economic payoffs

  • Interoperability: Most Indian submarines and frigates such as INS Tushil and INS Tamal are of Russian origin, so joint drills have practical value [2].
  • Alternating venues: The exercise moved from Chennai and the Bay of Bengal in 2025 to Vladivostok in 2026, which spreads the costs and familiarises each navy with the other's waters [1][2].
  • Connectivity: The Vladivostok venue supports the Chennai–Vladivostok Eastern Maritime Corridor. This route of about 5,600 nautical miles cuts cargo time from 40 days to 24 [3].

Limitations

  • Dependence: The Estimates Committee (2018) warned that foreign suppliers may withhold spares in emergencies [4]. The Ukraine war makes this risk sharper.
  • Opportunity cost: The Navy is short of reconnaissance aircraft, and Project-75 submarines came about seven years late [4]. A far-Pacific deployment uses up scarce ship-days.
  • Thin economic base: In FY 2024-25 India imported USD 63.8 bn from Russia but exported only USD 4.9 bn [2]. This keeps the corridor a mostly one-way bulk route [3].

Way forward

  • Bring Russian-origin spares under the Positive Indigenisation Lists, which already cover 5,012 items [4].
  • Extend co-production models such as BrahMos and the AK-203 [2].
  • Secure long-term container-cargo commitments for the corridor [3].

INDRA shows that joint exercises have become an important tool of India's diplomacy, but they cannot work alone. They deliver lasting value only when backed by indigenisation, co-production and balanced trade. Linked to these, naval engagement with Russia can turn port calls into a durable partnership that serves strategic autonomy and MAHASAGAR's goal of "security and growth across regions".

Sources

  1. 1PIB (Ministry of Defence), "Indian Naval Ship Sahyadri arrives at Vladivostok, Russia, for Bilateral Exercise INDRA-2026", 11 Oct 2026INDRA 2026 dates, venue and ship; MAHASAGAR and 23rd Summit framing; cultural interactions
  2. 2PIB backgrounder, "From Strategic Partnership to Special and Privileged Bond: India-Russia Relations at a Glance", Dec 2025partnership upgrade; institutional mechanisms; Russian-origin fleet; INDRA 2025 venue; trade figures; co-production
  3. 3PIB (Ministry of Ports, Shipping and Waterways), "Chennai Port organizes India-Russia Workshop on Operationalisation of the Eastern Maritime Corridor"corridor distance and transit time; bulk vs container cargo readiness
  4. 4PRS Legislative Research, "Demand for Grants 2025-26 Analysis: Defence", Feb 2025Estimates Committee (2018) warning; Navy asset shortfalls and Project-75 delay; Positive Indigenisation Lists
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