Despite structural asymmetries and the presence of strategic rivals, the SCO remains a valuable platform for India's Central Asia outreach. Critically examine.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) has 10 members, four of them Central Asian Republics [1]. It is the only multilateral table where India meets all of them along with Russia. With Raksha Mantri Rajnath Singh leading India at the 25th Council of Heads of Government in Dushanbe [6], the platform's worth matters again. It is valuable, but only within limits.

Structural asymmetries and rival presence (limitations)

• China-centric architecture: the Secretariat is in Beijing, and the only official languages are Russian and Chinese [1].
• Consensus rule as a veto: the 2025 Qingdao Defence Ministers' Meeting produced no agreed outcome document after India pressed for a mention of the Pahalgam attack [3].
• Rival inside the counter-terror body: Pakistan is a full member [1]. This makes it hard for RATS (the SCO's anti-terror body) to name state-sponsored cross-border terrorism.
• Pay without the lead: India funds 5.9% of the budget [1] but does not set the agenda. China's BRI shapes the SCO's connectivity talk.

Value for Central Asia outreach (strengths)

• Access in one place: at Qingdao, Rajnath Singh met the Tajik and Kazakh Defence Ministers and briefed them on Operation Sindoor [4].
• Connectivity pitch: at Tianjin (2025), the PM promoted Chabahar and the INSTC [5]. Iran's membership (2023) makes this pitch easier [1].
• Agenda-shaping in the chair: India's presidency theme was "SECURE". India also launched the Startup Forum, and Varanasi became the first SCO Cultural and Tourism Capital [1]. A Heads of State joint statement on countering radicalisation was adopted under India's chairmanship [2].
• Summit-level wins: at Tianjin, the PM thanked members for their solidarity on Pahalgam [5]. Leaders' summits give India more room than ministerial meetings, where one objection can block a text.
• Security institutions: India holds a post in RATS (Tashkent) [1]. The new Tianjin bodies on drugs and security threats match India's own concerns [1].

Assessment The asymmetries cap India's influence over SCO texts. They do not cancel the access, side meetings and chair-led initiatives that matter most for reaching Central Asia.

India gets the most from the SCO when it uses the forum as a meeting place rather than as a source of joint texts. India should keep it alongside the India–Central Asia Summit, Chabahar and the INSTC, and set its agenda when it holds the chair. This multi-alignment lets India stay engaged with Central Asia without endorsing the BRI, in line with its strategic autonomy.