Ethnic civil-society bodies in Manipur increasingly function as parallel authorities through bandhs and blockades. Examine the implications for constitutional governance and internal security.

In Manipur, ethnic bodies such as the Committee on Tribal Unity (CoTU) and the Kuki-Zo Council (KZC) often decide whether roads and markets stay open. In October 2026 the CoTU called a 48-hour shutdown in Kangpokpi over two missing Kuki youth [1]. Such parallel authority weakens both constitutional governance and internal security.

Implications for constitutional governance

• Clash of rights: enforced bandhs restrict the freedom of movement (Art. 19(1)(d)) and the right to livelihood (Art. 21) of people who do not join them. Courts have held that enforced bandhs are unconstitutional (CPI(M) v. Bharat Kumar, 1998).
• Civil bodies as negotiators: in 2025 the Union government itself announced the KZC's decision to open NH-2 [2]. Whether a national highway stays open came to rest on a civil body's decision, not a state order.
• Gap in accountability: Manipur is under President's Rule, extended from 13 August 2025 under Art. 356(4) [3]. With no elected Assembly to raise grievances, shutdowns become the quickest way to be heard.
• Rewarding coercion: when the State negotiates mainly with groups that can close roads, each community is pushed to build the same power. This weakens the rule of law.

Implications for internal security

• Supply chokepoint: NH-2, the Imphal valley's lifeline, runs through Kangpokpi. Shutdowns there cut off essential supplies to the valley.
• Cycle of reprisal: the CoTU blamed "non-Kuki extremists" for the abductions [1]. Incidents like this invite counter-mobilisation and stretch the forces guarding buffer zones.
• One-sided ceasefire: the revised Suspension of Operations ground rules with the KNO and UPF were signed for one year from September 2025 [4]. They bind only Kuki groups, so there is no equivalent check on the armed actors accused here.
• Trust deficit: communities trust their own bodies more than the police. This hampers joint searches and intelligence-gathering.

Way forward

• Renew the SoO framework before it lapses, and extend monitoring to all armed groups [4].
• Use the MHA's dialogue channel with civil bodies (the NH-2 model) to settle missing-person cases quickly [2].
• Allow peaceful sit-ins while guaranteeing essential services. Parliament should ask for security data with each Art. 356(4) extension [3].

Parallel authority is a symptom of the trust deficit, not its root cause. An elected government, inclusive dialogue and impartial policing can bring civil bodies back to their legitimate role of protest. That would protect the right to life under Article 21 and support SDG 16 (peace, justice and strong institutions).