Interoperability, not alliance, is the currency of India's Indo-Pacific partnerships. Critically analyse with reference to recent naval engagements.
New · District CollectorCan you hold the district for 72 hours?Floods, a heatwave, an outbreak, a grievance queue. Take the decisions, see the consequences.Play →In November 2026, the indigenous stealth frigate INS Sahyadri reached Yokosuka, Japan, for MALABAR 2026 with the US, Japanese and Australian navies. The stated aim was interoperability: shared procedures and coordinated planning [1]. India builds these partnerships on joint operational ability rather than on treaty commitments, but the gap between the two is narrowing.
Interoperability as the currency
- Capability without commitment: the harbour phase (planning) and the sea phase (joint operations) build skills a coalition can use, with no promise of mutual defence [1].
- India sets the terms: India itself announced Australia's entry to MALABAR-20, which was held in a "non-contact, at sea only" format because of COVID-19 [2].
- Multi-alignment: in October 2026, the same ship exercised with Russia in INDRA-2026 at Vladivostok [3]. A treaty ally could rarely do this.
- Indigenisation showcase: sending a home-built frigate to the Pacific signals Aatmanirbharta and tests Indian crews against advanced navies [1].
Limits: an alliance in all but name?
- Quad overlap: the four MALABAR navies are the four Quad countries. Rivals read the "secure and stable Indo-Pacific" framing as aimed at one power [1].
- Eastward drift: MALABAR began in 1992 as an India–US bilateral drill [5]. India hosted the 2020 edition off Visakhapatnam and in the Arabian Sea [4]. Later editions moved to Sydney (2023) [5] and Yokosuka (2026) [1], and each one deepens integration.
- Capacity strain: in 2012 the DAC approved a force of 198 ships and submarines, but the Navy had 127 ships and 15 submarines [6]. Long Pacific deployments take frontline ships away from the Eastern Fleet's home waters.
- Perception gap: strategic autonomy is a statement of intent, and other countries judge India by what it does.
Assessment: the claim largely holds, because India keeps control over format, membership and its other partners. The critics' worry is still valid: each larger and more distant edition makes the "not against anyone" message harder to sustain.
Overall, interoperability, not a treaty, remains India's currency in the Indo-Pacific. Its value depends on flexible formats, plural partnerships and a large enough fleet. Faster indigenous shipbuilding to close the force gap [6] would help. So would carrying MALABAR procedures into Indian Ocean disaster response under MAHASAGAR (Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions) [1]. Together, these would keep India a partner of choice while protecting its strategic autonomy.
Sources
- 1PIB, Ministry of Defence: INS Sahyadri arrives at Yokosuka Naval Base, Japan for Exercise MALABAR 2026: participants, harbour and sea phases, interoperability aims, Indo-Pacific framing, MAHASAGAR, indigenous frigate
- 2PIB, Ministry of Defence: MALABAR-20: Australia's participation, non-contact at-sea format
- 3PIB, Ministry of Defence: Indian Naval Ship Sahyadri arrives at Vladivostok, Russia, for bilateral exercise INDRA-2026: India–Russia naval exercise in October 2026
- 4PIB, Ministry of Defence: Exercise Malabar 2020 Concludes in Arabian Sea: India-hosted 2020 edition in the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea
- 5PIB, Ministry of Defence: INS Sahyadri and INS Kolkata to participate in Exercise MALABAR 2023: 1992 bilateral origin; 2023 edition off Sydney
- 6Standing Committee on Defence (16th Lok Sabha), 4th Report, Demands for Grants 2014-15: DAC-approved 198 ships and submarines vs 127 ships and 15 submarines