Grants-in-aid: statutory, discretionary, tied and untied

Fiscal Federalism: Finance Commission, Devolution and Centre-State Finances · section 5 of 9

In this note
  1. Detail
  2. Prelims Hooks
  3. Mains Points

Detail

What grants-in-aid are

  • Grants-in-aid are money the Centre gives to states on top of tax devolution.
  • Tax devolution means the states' share of central taxes under Art. 270. States get it as a right and can spend it as they choose.
  • A grant is a separate transfer. It is either statutory (given on the advice of the Finance Commission, FC) or discretionary (given for a specific purpose).

  • Scale (15th FC, 2021-26): total FC grants were ₹10,33,062 crore over five years [3].

  • Scale (16th FC, 2026-31): total FC grants are ₹9.47 lakh crore. The vertical devolution (the states' share of the divisible pool, meaning central taxes minus cesses and surcharges) stays at 41%, the same as under the 15th FC [2].

Route 1 — Art. 275(1): statutory grants

  • What "statutory" means: the grant comes from the Constitution and the law, not from the Centre's choice in a given year.
  • Charged on the Consolidated Fund of India (CFI). The CFI is the Union's main account, where all its revenue and borrowing go.
  • "Charged" means Parliament can discuss these grants but does not vote on them.
  • So the government of the day cannot hold them back through the budget vote.

  • Who gets them: states "in need of assistance". Parliament decides the amount by law, on FC advice.

  • Provisos (special conditions in the Article):
  • grants for the welfare of Scheduled Tribes;
  • grants to raise the administration of Scheduled Areas to the level of the rest of the state.

  • Link to Art. 280: the FC recommends the principles for grants out of the CFI. Revenue deficit, local-body and disaster grants all follow this FC route.

Route 2 — Art. 282: discretionary grants

  • The Union (or a state) can make grants for any public purpose. This holds even when the subject is outside its own law-making list.
  • No FC advice is needed. The Centre decides through its ministries.
  • It is the constitutional basis of centrally sponsored schemes (CSS) (§6). A CSS is a scheme the Centre designs and part-funds, and the state carries out, often with a matching state share.
  • 15th FC on CSS: it asked for a minimum size below which a scheme should be phased out. This targets small schemes that use little of their money. It also asked for third-party evaluation of schemes within fixed time limits [3].

Route 3 — Art. 273: jute export duty grants

  • These were grants to jute-producing states in place of their share of jute export duty (§2). They were temporary and are now only of historical interest.

Tied and untied grants

  • Tied grant: the state must spend it on a named purpose, or only after meeting set conditions.
  • Examples: local-body grants for water and sanitation, health grants, disaster funds.

  • Untied grant: the recipient decides how to spend it.

  • 16th FC example — one grant, half tied and half untied:
  • Basic grants to local bodies: 50% untied; 50% tied to sanitation and solid waste management, or to water management [2].

  • Entry-level conditions (16th FC, 2026-31). A state's local bodies get no grant unless the state has:

  • formed its local bodies as the Constitution requires;
  • published their provisional and audited accounts;
  • set up its State Finance Commission (SFC) on time [2].

  • Earlier conditions (15th FC): the state had to publish accounts, set a minimum floor rate for property tax, and set up SFCs by March 2024 [3].

How grants are classified in the Budget (Class 12)

  • All grants to states count as Union revenue expenditure, even when they build assets such as roads or schools.
  • Revenue expenditure is spending that creates no asset for the Union and does not reduce its liabilities.
  • The asset belongs to the state, not the Union, so the Union books the spending as revenue expenditure.

  • This is why the Union Budget shows "grants for creation of capital assets" separately.

  • Formula: Effective revenue deficit = Revenue deficit − Grants for creation of capital assets
  • Worked example:
  • Union revenue expenditure = ₹40 lakh crore; revenue receipts = ₹35 lakh crore.
  • Revenue deficit = 40 − 35 = ₹5 lakh crore.
  • Of the grants to states, ₹3 lakh crore go to building assets.
  • Effective revenue deficit = 5 − 3 = ₹2 lakh crore. This is the part of the deficit that went to pure consumption.

Revenue deficit grants (post-devolution)

  • Definition: a grant to a state whose revenue expenditure is still more than its revenue receipts after tax devolution. It fills that gap after devolution.
  • Formula: Revenue deficit grant = State revenue expenditure − (Own revenue + Tax devolution), when the result is positive.
  • Worked example: a state spends ₹100, collects ₹55 on its own and gets ₹30 from devolution.
  • Gap = 100 − (55 + 30) = ₹15. The FC gives a revenue deficit grant of ₹15.
  • A state with a gap of zero or less gets nothing.

  • 15th FC (2021-26):

  • ₹2,94,514 crore to 17 states, to remove their revenue deficits [3]. (NCERT: about ₹2.94 lakh crore.)
  • The grant tapered (grew smaller) each year.
  • 2021-22 alone: ₹1,18,452 crore. It was paid in monthly instalments [4].
  • The 17 states: Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Punjab, Rajasthan, Sikkim, Tamil Nadu, Tripura, Uttarakhand, West Bengal [4].

  • Other 15th FC grants that were later dropped:

  • Sector-specific grants: ₹1,29,987 crore across 8 sectors, for example agricultural reforms ₹45,000 crore, health ₹31,755 crore, PMGSY roads ₹27,539 crore and judiciary ₹10,425 crore [3].
  • State-specific grants: ₹49,599 crore [3].
  • Local bodies: ₹4,36,361 crore, including health grants of ₹70,051 crore [3].

16th FC (2026-31): a narrower grant system

  • Discontinued: revenue deficit grants, sector-specific grants and state-specific grants [2].
  • Stated reason: such grants "create adverse incentive". They push states to "be profligate" (overspend) instead of fixing the root causes of their deficits [5].

  • Total recommended: ₹9.47 lakh crore [2].

  • Local bodies: ₹7.91 lakh crore (§9) [2]:
  • Rural: ₹4.35 lakh crore, made up of a basic grant of ₹3.48 lakh crore (80%) and a performance grant of ₹87,048 crore (20%).
  • Urban: ₹3.56 lakh crore, made up of:

    • basic grant: ₹2.32 lakh crore;
    • performance grant: ₹58,032 crore;
    • Special Infrastructure Component: ₹56,100 crore, for wastewater systems in cities with 10-40 lakh people;
    • Urbanisation Premium: ₹10,000 crore, one-time money for villages that merge into towns and for a rural-to-urban transition policy.
  • Disaster management: ₹1,55,916 crore (about ₹1.56 lakh crore). This is the Centre's share of a ₹2,04,401 crore corpus (total fund) for SDRF/SDMF (State Disaster Response Fund and State Disaster Mitigation Fund) [2].

  • Cost sharing (Centre:State): 90:10 in north-eastern and Himalayan states; 75:25 in all other states [2].
  • The earlier 15th FC corpus was about ₹1,60,000 crore, with a Centre share of ₹1,20,000 crore. It used the same sharing pattern [3].

  • Budget 2026-27: the Government provided ₹1.4 lakh crore of FC grants.

  • Rules that go with the grants: the fiscal deficit limit for states is 3% of GSDP (Gross State Domestic Product, the total output of a state). Off-budget borrowing must stop and be brought onto state budgets [5].

The debate

  • The case against gap-filling:
  • Gap-filling creates moral hazard. This means a party takes more risk because someone else bears the cost.
  • A state that overspends gets a bigger grant, so its reason to raise its own revenue or cut waste becomes weaker.

  • The case against withdrawing grants suddenly:

  • It strains fiscally weak states that relied on these grants, such as Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, West Bengal and the NE states (verify current).
  • Case — Himachal Pradesh:

    • It received ₹3,257 crore (1.3% of GSDP) in revenue deficit grants in 2025-26.
    • All of this is lost in 2026-27.
    • Total central grants to the state are estimated to fall by 48% in 2026-27 compared with 2025-26 revised estimates [5].
  • The trade-off: tied and performance grants reward reform, while untied grants respect state autonomy. The 16th FC's 50:50 basic grant tries to balance the two.

Prelims Hooks

  • Art. 275(1) statutory grants are charged on the CFI and are not voted. They go to states "in need of assistance", on FC advice.
  • Art. 282 discretionary grants can be for "any public purpose", even outside the Union's legislative field. They are the basis of centrally sponsored schemes and need no FC advice.
  • The provisos to Art. 275(1) cover grants for Scheduled Tribe welfare and Scheduled Area administration.
  • Effective revenue deficit = Revenue deficit − Grants for creation of capital assets. All grants to states are Union revenue expenditure.
  • 15th FC: revenue deficit grants of ₹2,94,514 crore went to 17 states (2021-26). Total FC grants were ₹10,33,062 crore.
  • 16th FC (2026-31): total grants ₹9.47 lakh crore = local bodies ₹7.91 lakh crore + disaster ₹1.56 lakh crore. Revenue deficit, sector-specific and state-specific grants were discontinued.
  • 16th FC basic grants to local bodies: 50% untied, 50% tied (sanitation/waste or water).
  • SDRF/SDMF Centre:State sharing: 90:10 for NE and Himalayan states, 75:25 for others. The 16th FC corpus is ₹2,04,401 crore.
  • Trap: vertical devolution is 41% under both the 15th and 16th FCs. What changed in 2026-31 is the grant structure, not the tax share.
  • Trap: a local body gets no FC grant unless its State Finance Commission was set up on time and its accounts were published.

Mains Points

  • Moral hazard vs equalisation:
  • Revenue deficit grants reward states with large deficits. The 16th FC says they "create adverse incentive".
  • Stopping them suddenly can hit states that cannot raise much revenue themselves. Himachal Pradesh loses 1.3% of its GSDP and sees a 48% drop in central grants in 2026-27.
  • A phased glide path is a middle route: taper the grants, but tie them to a plan for fiscal correction.

  • Formula vs discretion:

  • As FC grants (Art. 275) shrink, a larger share of transfers can move to Art. 282 CSS grants. These are tied, decided by the Centre and come with matching-share conditions.
  • This reduces cooperative federalism and state autonomy. The 15th FC asked for scheme thresholds and third-party evaluation to limit this.

  • Strengthening the third tier:

  • About 84% of 16th FC grants (₹7.91 of ₹9.47 lakh crore) go to local bodies, with entry conditions (SFCs, audited accounts) and performance grants.
  • This supports the 73rd and 74th Amendments. But states that fail the conditions lose money, and their citizens bear the cost.

  • Accounting honesty:

  • Asset-creating grants are booked as Union revenue expenditure, so the revenue deficit overstates how much the Union spends on consumption.
  • The effective revenue deficit gives a more accurate measure for FRBM targets.

Sources

  1. 1Class 12, Ch 5 "Government Budget and the Economy" (primary)
  2. 2Report of the 16th Finance Commission for 2026-31 (PRS summary)prsindia.org · tier 1
  3. 3Report of the 15th Finance Commission for 2021-26 (PRS summary)prsindia.org · tier 1
  4. 4Revenue Deficit Grant of Rs. 9,871 crore released to 17 States (PIB)pib.gov.in · tier 1
  5. 5Himachal Pradesh Budget Analysis 2026-27 (PRS)prsindia.org · tier 1