Industrialisation in the colony: Indian textiles, weavers and Manchester

The Age of Industrialisation · section 7 of 10

In this note
  1. Detail
  2. Prelims Hooks
  3. Mains Points

Detail

The age of Indian textiles (before machine industry)

  • Before machine industries began in Europe, Indian silk and cotton goods ruled the international textile market.
  • Coarse cotton cloth was woven in many countries. But the finer varieties came only from India.
  • Dhaka and other parts of Bengal made the best quality muslin — Bengal was a major centre of textile making [2].
  • Indian cloth was so popular in Europe that many English words came from this trade: calico, pyjama, gingham, dungaree, chintz and khaki [2].

The routes — overland and by sea

  • Overland route: Armenian and Persian merchants carried Indian goods from Punjab to Afghanistan, eastern Persia and Central Asia, crossing the north-west frontier by mountain passes.
  • Sea route — western coast: Surat in Gujarat linked India to the Gulf and Red Sea ports.
  • Sea route — eastern coast: Masulipatam on the Coromandel coast and Hoogly in Bengal traded with Southeast Asia.
  • The English East India Company set up its first English factory (trading post) on the Coromandel coast at Masulipatam in 1611, buying palampores, calicoes and chintzes [4].

Who financed the cloth

  • Indian merchant-bankers put up the money for production. A chain worked like this:
  • Supply merchants advanced money to weavers for raw material.
  • Weavers wove the cloth and gave it back.
  • Merchants carried the cloth to port brokers, who sold it to exporters.

  • This network was old, village-based and run by Indians.

Breakdown by the 1750s

  • European companies first got concessions (special trade favours) from local courts, then monopoly rights to trade — the right to buy and sell with no competition.
  • The old ports declined. Trade through Surat crashed from Rs 16 million in the late 17th century to Rs 3 million by the 1740s.
  • Bombay and Calcutta — both Company-controlled — grew instead. Trade now moved in European ships.
  • Key idea: the shift of ports was an indicator of growing colonial power. Indian merchants were pushed out; European ones took over.

Weavers under the Company (1760s–70s)

  • After the Company won political power in Bengal and the Carnatic, exports of cloth did not fall at first.
  • The British cotton industry had not yet expanded.
  • The Company still wanted Indian fine cloth for Europe.

  • The problem for the Company was the weaver's bargaining power. French, Dutch, Portuguese and local buyers all competed for the same cloth, so weavers could push up the price.

  • The Company killed that competition in two steps:
  • ① Eliminated existing traders and brokers. In their place it appointed a paid servant called the gomastha (a salaried Company agent) to supervise weavers, collect supplies and check quality.
  • ② Tied weavers through the system of advances — loans given for buying raw material. Once a weaver took the loan, he had to hand over all his cloth to the gomastha.

  • Effect on weaver households: many leased out their small plots of land and wove full-time using family labour.

Clashes and flight

  • The old supply merchants lived in the villages and had ties with weavers. The gomasthas were outsiders.
  • They arrived with sepoys and peons, and punished delays with beating and flogging.
  • Prices paid were miserably low. The loan was supposed to help; it became a chain — the weaver could not sell to anyone else and could not refuse.
  • Weaver response:
  • Deserted their villages in the Carnatic and Bengal and moved elsewhere.
  • Revolted along with village traders.
  • Refused loans, closed down their workshops.
  • Many took to agricultural labour — from skilled craftsmen to farm workers.

Manchester comes to India

  • In 1772, Company official Henry Patullo wrote that demand for Indian textiles could never reduce, since no other country made cloth of the same quality. He was completely wrong.
  • Reality of the numbers: cotton piece-goods fell from 33% of India's exports in 1811-12 to just 3% by 1850-51.
  • Why: British industrialists pressed their government for import duties at home, so Indian cloth was taxed out of Britain, while British cloth was pushed into India.
  • Britain had already used the same weapon earlier: the Calico Act of 1721 banned the use of calico in England for clothing or household use, to protect English makers [3].
  • That Act was repealed in 1774, just as spinning and weaving machines arrived — now English mills could beat Eastern cloth on price [3].
  • Lancashire had woven fustian (linen warp, cotton weft) from about 1620; with machinery it became the centre of the world cotton industry [5].

  • British cloth floods India: cotton piece-goods were almost nil in Indian imports at the end of the 18th century, rose to over 31% by 1850, and over 50% by the 1870s.

The double squeeze on the weaver

  • Two markets died at once:
  • Export market collapsed — Indian cloth was taxed and shut out of Britain.
  • Local market was glutted — cheap Manchester machine-made cloth was so low priced that Indian weavers could not compete.

  • By the 1850s, reports from weaving regions spoke of "decline and desolation" — the phrase used by the Commissioner of Patna.

  • The Koshti weavers of the Central Provinces left their looms and emigrated to Berar to work as day labourers.
  • Longer view: exploitative trade rules and concessions slowly destroyed India's own crafts and turned India into a supplier of raw material and a buyer of the finished product [2].

Two later blows

  • American Civil War (1860s):
  • The war cut off raw cotton supplies from the United States to Britain.
  • Britain turned to India for raw cotton.
  • Raw cotton prices shot up. Indian weavers were now starved of affordable raw material — they were competing with Britain to buy Indian cotton.

  • By the end of the 19th century: Indian factories themselves came up and flooded the market with machine-made goods. The handloom weaver was now squeezed by Indian mills too, not only Manchester.

Prelims Hooks

  • Surat's trade fell from Rs 16 million (late 17th century) to Rs 3 million by the 1740s.
  • Masulipatam (Coromandel) and Hoogly (Bengal) traded with Southeast Asia; Surat served the Gulf and Red Sea ports.
  • The English East India Company's first factory on the Coromandel coast was at Masulipatam, 1611 [4].
  • The gomastha was a paid servant of the Company appointed to supervise weavers, collect supplies and check cloth quality.
  • Henry Patullo, 1772 — predicted demand for Indian textiles could never fall.
  • Cotton piece-goods: 33% of Indian exports in 1811-12 → 3% in 1850-51.
  • British cotton piece-goods in Indian imports: over 31% by 1850, over 50% by the 1870s.
  • "Decline and desolation" — phrase of the Commissioner of Patna, 1850s.
  • The Koshti weavers of the Central Provinces migrated to Berar as day labourers.
  • The Calico Act of 1721 banned the use of calico for apparel and domestic use in England; repealed 1774 [3].
  • The American Civil War of the 1860s raised raw cotton prices in India and hurt Indian weavers.

Mains Points

  • Trade monopoly as a political instrument: the fall of Surat and rise of Bombay and Calcutta was not a market accident. Concessions → monopoly rights → control of shipping. The shift of ports maps the spread of colonial power, and shows that economic dominance and political conquest advanced together.
  • The advance system turned credit into control: loans to weavers looked like help but removed the weaver's right to choose a buyer. Combined with the gomastha replacing village-rooted merchants, this destroyed the weaver's bargaining power. Useful as a case study of how colonial capital restructured — not merely taxed — Indian production.
  • Asymmetric free trade: Britain used protective duties at home (the Calico Acts, later tariffs) while forcing an open market in India [3]. Compare with Britain's own growth, where Lancashire was shielded until machinery made it competitive [5]. This is the core argument in the deindustrialisation debate.
  • Not one collapse but a sequence of blows: loss of export market (tariffs) → loss of home market (Manchester cloth) → loss of cheap raw material (American Civil War, 1860s) → competition from Indian mills (late 19th century). Handloom weaving survived, but as a low-paid, shrinking trade — which explains why swadeshi and khadi later carried such emotional force.

Sources

  1. 1Class 10, Ch 4 "The Age of Industrialisation" (primary)
  2. 2The Colonial Period and the Story of Indian Textilesindianculture.gov.in · tier 1
  3. 3Calico Actbritannica.com · tier 3
  4. 4Indian Textiles: Trade and Productionmetmuseum.org · tier 3
  5. 5Lancashire | England, Map, & Historybritannica.com · tier 3