·The Hindu

Differing views by members a part of decision-making: EC

In this note
  1. At a Glance
  2. Why in the News
  3. Background & Evolution
  4. Core Static Facts
  5. Multi-Dimensional Analysis
  6. Recent Developments (last 12-18 months)
  7. Prelims Hooks
  8. Why "Unanimous" and "14 Objections" Can Both Be True
  9. Why an Election Commissioner Cannot Push Back Very Hard
  10. The RBI Shows How a Multi-Member Body Can Argue in Public
  11. The Best Argument for Keeping Disagreement Inside the Room
  12. Fixes That Would Make Dissent Both Safe and Visible
  13. Anchors for Answers
  14. Mains Relevance
  15. Related Topics to Study Next
  16. Common Errors / Trap Areas
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1. At a Glance

  • The Election Commission of India (ECI) is a multi-member constitutional body under Article 324: the CEC plus such number of other ECs as the President fixes [1][4].
  • Business is transacted unanimously as far as possible. If the CEC and ECs differ, the matter is decided by majority [1][5].
  • The current controversy is over reported dissent by two ECs inside the three-member Commission. It tests collegiality, transparency and institutional independence [6].

2. Why in the News

  • An Indian Express report said ECs Sukhbir Singh Sandhu and Vivek Joshi recorded formal objections at least 14 times over 10 months. They said major decisions were taken in the name of the full Commission without their knowledge [6].
  • The ECI's source-based clarification said all decisions, including SIR, were unanimous and approved by both ECs and CEC Gyanesh Kumar [6].
  • The ECI's written statement said it operates as a multi-member body. It called written notes, observations, technical suggestions and internal checks and balances "standard, ongoing" practice, and said all actions were in accordance with law [6].
  • Context: the ECI ordered SIR in 16 States and 3 UTs on 14 May 2026 under Article 324 [3].

3. Background & Evolution

  • Article 324 originally provided for a CEC plus ECs "if any" as the President fixes [1][4].
  • The Supreme Court (2023) noted the Constituent Assembly intended an independent ECI whose appointments are regulated by law, not decided by the Executive [1].
  • The CEC and Other ECs (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023 now governs appointment and conduct of business [2][4].
  • The Act's Selection Committee comprises the PM, a Union Cabinet Minister, and the Leader of Opposition (or leader of the largest opposition party) in Lok Sabha [1].
  • Earlier: the Two-Member Constituencies (Abolition) Act, 1961 is among the related legislation surfaced in search [7]. I could not verify its relevance to this topic.

4. Core Static Facts

  • Parent provision: Article 324, which gives the ECI superintendence, direction and control of elections [3][4].
  • Composition: CEC plus such number of ECs as the President decides [4].
  • Decision rule: business is transacted unanimously as far as possible. Differences are resolved by majority opinion [1][5].
  • Enabling statute: Act No. 49 of 2023 [4].
  • Selection Committee: PM, Union Cabinet Minister, and Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha [1].
  • Current ECI: CEC Gyanesh Kumar, ECs Sukhbir Singh Sandhu and Vivek Joshi [6].

5. Multi-Dimensional Analysis

Legal / Constitutional

  • The statute allows dissent. Majority rule means the CEC has no casting or veto power beyond a single vote [5].
  • The tension is with the "as far as possible unanimous" norm. Recorded objections do not invalidate a majority decision [5].
  • The ECI's claim that all decisions were unanimous conflicts with the reported objections. The reconciliation, which I infer, is that objections may have been notes rather than formal dissents [6].

Ethical / Governance

  • Transparency: internal dissent notes are not public. This creates an information asymmetry, and leaks or press reports fill the gap [6].
  • Accountability: decisions issued "in the name of the Commission" without EC awareness would erode collegiality [6].
  • Collegiality vs efficiency: the ECI frames written notes as standard checks and balances [6].

Administrative

  • The reported concern is about process: whether ECs are consulted before decisions are issued [6].
  • SIR is a large-scale exercise covering 16 States and 3 UTs, so consistent internal decision-making matters [3].

Institutional Independence

  • The 2023 Act's Selection Committee has a 2:1 government majority in composition. This is a critique in commentary and is not stated in my sources [1].
  • Independence of ECs within the body matters as much as the body's independence from the Executive.

6. Recent Developments (last 12-18 months)

  • 14 May 2026: SIR ordered in 16 States and 3 UTs under Article 324 [3].
  • Sept 2026: the Indian Express report on 14 objections over 10 months, followed by the ECI's clarification and statement (reported 24 Sept 2026) [6].

7. Prelims Hooks

  • Article 324 vests superintendence, direction and control of elections in the ECI [4].
  • The ECI comprises the CEC and such number of other ECs as the President may decide [4].
  • The CEC and ECs Act is Act No. 49 of 2023 [4].
  • Differences among CEC and ECs are decided by majority opinion [1][5].
  • The Selection Committee includes the PM, a Union Cabinet Minister and the Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha [1].
  • The 2023 Act followed the Supreme Court's 2023 observation on independent appointments [1].
  • SIR was ordered on 14 May 2026 in 16 States and 3 UTs [3].
  • SIR aims to include no ineligible person and exclude no eligible citizen [3].
  • Current CEC: Gyanesh Kumar [6].
  • The two ECs named in the report are Sukhbir Singh Sandhu and Vivek Joshi [6].
  • The ECI reported at least 14 objections over 10 months [6].

8. Why "Unanimous" and "14 Objections" Can Both Be True

  • The law records the final decision, not the argument that produced it
  • Section 10 of the 2023 Act says business shall be unanimous "as far as possible", and a difference of opinion is settled by majority opinion [5].
  • So the Act only asks: what did the majority decide? It does not ask the Commission to write down who disagreed, or why.
  • A written note by an EC can therefore be answered, dropped or overtaken, and the file still closes as one decision of the Commission [6].

  • "Objection" and "dissent" are two different things

  • The Indian Express report counts at least 14 objections over 10 months [6].
  • The ECI counts final decisions, and says every one of them, including SIR, was approved by both ECs and the CEC [6].
  • Both can be accurate at once. An EC who writes a note, gets an answer, and then signs the order has objected but has not dissented.

  • Nobody outside can check which of the two happened

  • Internal notes are not published, and the Act does not require them to be [5].
  • So the only version the public gets is a newspaper report on one side and a source-based clarification on the other [6]. There is no record to settle it.
  • For an exam answer, the honest line is: the disagreement is about the process record, not about whether the decisions are legally valid.

9. Why an Election Commissioner Cannot Push Back Very Hard

  • The CEC can be removed only like a Supreme Court judge. An EC can be removed on the CEC's own recommendation
  • The CEC gets removal protection "in the same manner and on the same grounds as a Supreme Court Judge" [1].
  • An EC is removed only on the recommendation of the CEC [1].
  • This matters for dissent: an EC who repeatedly votes against the CEC depends on that same CEC for job security. The majority rule gives the EC an equal vote, but the removal rule does not give an equal spine.
  • PRS points out this sits badly with T.N. Seshan v. Union of India (1995), where the Supreme Court said ECs are considered to be at par with the CEC [1].

  • Their pay is now set by the government, not by Parliament

  • Earlier the salary was equal to a Supreme Court judge's, which Parliament fixes under Article 125 [1].
  • The 2023 Act ties it to the Cabinet Secretary, whose salary the government fixes on Central Pay Commission advice [1].
  • A service condition that the executive can move is one more reason an EC may prefer a quiet note to a recorded "no".

  • Only ex-Secretaries can be appointed

  • The Act limits eligibility to persons who are or have been Secretary-rank officers in government [1].
  • ECs perform quasi-judicial functions (they decide disputes, like a court does). PRS notes this bar keeps out judges and others who do this work in democracies such as South Africa [1].
  • A body drawn entirely from one service background is less likely to produce open disagreement than a mixed one.

10. The RBI Shows How a Multi-Member Body Can Argue in Public

  • The MPC publishes the split. The ECI publishes only the outcome
  • The Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) is the six-member RBI body that fixes the interest rate. On the 14th day after each meeting, the RBI publishes the resolution, the vote of each member, and a short written statement by each member explaining that vote [8].
  • The ECI publishes the decision in the name of the Commission. Nothing about who agreed [5][6].
  • Same problem, two answers: both bodies must decide by majority, but only one of them lets the public see the minority.

  • Publishing the split has not weakened the RBI

  • MPC members have voted against the majority in public — for example, one external member voted against a repo rate increase while five voted for it [8].
  • The rate still took effect. A recorded "no" did not stop the decision, and it removed the need for anyone to leak it.

  • This is the practical gap in the ECI's position

  • The ECI calls written notes and internal checks "standard, ongoing" practice [6].
  • If that is true, publishing them costs the Commission nothing and ends the leak-and-denial cycle. The MPC design shows how [8].

11. The Best Argument for Keeping Disagreement Inside the Room

  • The strongest case against publishing dissent
  • An election order must be obeyed on the day it is issued. A published dissent note gives every losing party a ready-made ground to attack the roll, the schedule or a disqualification in court and on television.
  • SIR covers 16 States and 3 UTs [3]. A recorded internal doubt about one State's process could be used to question the exercise everywhere.
  • ECs also give frank advice precisely because it stays internal. Make it public and the advice gets careful and thin.

  • What is right in that argument — and where it stops

  • It is right that the ECI is an operational body, not a court. It must act fast during a poll, and it has no police force of its own to enforce respect for its orders.
  • But the MPC also sets prices in a market that reacts within minutes, and it still publishes every vote 14 days later, not on the day [8]. A delay solves the operational problem without hiding the record.
  • And the cost of secrecy is already being paid. Because there is no record, a newspaper report and a source-based denial now stand in for the file [6]. That damages the Commission more than a dated, published note would.

12. Fixes That Would Make Dissent Both Safe and Visible

  • Parliament should give ECs the same removal protection as the CEC
  • Right now an EC goes only on the CEC's recommendation [1]. Amend that so an EC is removed the same way as the CEC, that is, like a Supreme Court judge.
  • The Supreme Court in T.N. Seshan (1995) already treated ECs as at par with the CEC [1]. The law should match the judgment.

  • Parliament should restore the pay link to a Supreme Court judge

  • Move salary back from the Cabinet Secretary scale to the Supreme Court judge scale, which Parliament fixes under Article 125 [1].
  • Then no service condition of an EC depends on the government whose elections the EC runs.

  • The ECI should publish a record of who agreed, on the MPC model

  • Publish, after a fixed gap, the decision plus each member's position and a short written reason, exactly as the RBI does on the 14th day [8].
  • This needs no amendment. Section 10 already allows majority decisions, so showing the majority takes nothing away from it [5].

  • Parliament should widen who can be appointed

  • Drop the bar that limits appointment to Secretary-rank officers [1].
  • ECs do quasi-judicial work; South Africa draws such members from wider backgrounds, including judges [1]. A mixed body disagrees openly because its members do not share one career and one former employer.

  • Close the Selection Committee gap before it is used

  • If the Lok Sabha is dissolved, there is no Leader of Opposition, and the Selection Committee is left with only ruling party members [1].
  • Provide a fallback member for that situation — otherwise an EC can be chosen with no opposition voice at all, which weakens the body's standing the moment it disagrees internally.

13. Anchors for Answers

  • Data: at least 14 objections recorded by two ECs over 10 months, as reported; the ECI says all decisions including SIR were unanimous [6]
  • Data: RBI publishes each MPC member's vote and written reason on the 14th day after every meeting [8]
  • Law/Case: Article 324; Section 10, CEC and Other ECs Act, 2023 (Act 49 of 2023) — unanimity "as far as possible", else majority opinion [4][5]
  • Law/Case: T.N. Seshan v. Union of India (1995) — ECs are at par with the CEC, yet the 2023 Act lets an EC be removed on the CEC's recommendation alone [1]
  • Law/Case: Anoop Baranwal (2023) — the Court's panel had the CJI; the Act replaced the CJI with a Union Cabinet Minister [1]
  • Report/Committee: PRS Legislative Brief on the CEC and Other ECs Bill, 2023 — flags government majority on the Selection Committee, the Cabinet Secretary pay link, and the Secretary-only eligibility bar [1]
  • Comparison: RBI's MPC — same majority rule, but every vote and dissent statement is published [8]
  • Comparison: South Africa — election commission members drawn from wider backgrounds, including judges, unlike India's Secretary-only rule [1]
  • Scheme: SIR of electoral rolls, ordered 14 May 2026 in 16 States and 3 UTs under Article 324 — the decision at the centre of the dispute [3]

14. Mains Relevance

15. Related Topics to Study Next

  • Article 324 and ECI powers: the basis of both SIR and the dissent debate.
  • CEC and ECs Act, 2023: appointment, selection committee and conduct of business.
  • SIR of electoral rolls: the source of the current friction.
  • Removal of the CEC vs ECs: how ECs' protection differs from the CEC's.
  • Supreme Court on ECI appointments (2023): the judicial background to the Act.
  • Other multi-member bodies (CIC, UPSC, RBI MPC): comparison of dissent practice.
  • Representation of the People Acts, 1950 and 1951: the statutory basis for the rolls and elections.

16. Common Errors / Trap Areas

  • The majority rule is statutory. Article 324 itself only provides for composition and the President's power to fix numbers [4][5].
  • Do not treat the Indian Express report as an established fact. The ECI disputes the framing [6].
  • The ECI says its decisions are unanimous, while the report says objections were recorded. These claims are not the same thing [6].
  • The Selection Committee has the Leader of Opposition, not the CJI, in the 2023 Act [1].
  • SIR relies on Article 324 as the ECI states. Do not confuse it with a statutory power under the 1950 or 1951 Acts [3].

Sources

  1. 1PRS — The CEC and Other Election Commissioners Bill, 2023 (legislative brief)prsindia.org · tier 1
  2. 2PRS — Bill 2023 track pageprsindia.org · tier 1
  3. 3PIB — Special Intensive Revision – Phase IIIpib.gov.in · tier 1
  4. 4India Code — CEC and Other ECs Act, 2023 (Act 49 of 2023)indiacode.nic.in · tier 1
  5. 5Sansad — Rajya Sabha-passed text of the 2023 Actsansad.in · tier 1
  6. 6The Hindu — "Differing views by members a part of decision-making: EC" (24 Sept 2026, p. 10)thehindu.com · tier 4
  7. 7India Code — Two-Member Constituencies (Abolition) Act, 1961indiacode.nic.in · tier 1
  8. 8RBI — Monetary Policy: Instruments and MPC functioning (minutes, voting of each member)rbi.org.in · tier 1
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