The RSS at 101, between change and continuity

1. At a Glance

• The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) finished its centenary celebrations on Vijayadashami, 20 October 2026. It was founded in 1925 [1].
• It began as a "cultural response to Hindu subjugation" and has grown into "one of the most influential socio-political forces" in India [1].
• It runs 88,949 daily shakhas at 55,683 locations and has inspired 32 organisations, including the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which governs India [1].
• Why it matters for UPSC: the RSS is a case study in communalism vs. secularism, pluralism, civil society and pressure groups, and the relationship between cultural organisations and political parties. These are core themes in GS-I and GS-II.

2. Why in the News

• The centenary year closed on Vijayadashami, 20 October 2026 [1].
• The op-ed "The RSS at 101, between change and continuity" by Shashi Tharoor (The Hindu, 21 October 2026, p. 8) asks two questions [1]:
• Is the RSS evolving into an "RSS 2.0"?

• Can secular Indians reach a modus vivendi (a working accommodation) with it?

• The op-ed's thesis: the "test of RSS 2.0 lies in demonstrating a commitment to inclusion and protecting India's pluralist traditions" [1].

3. Background & Evolution

• 1925: The RSS was founded as a cultural response to perceived Hindu subjugation [1].
• Founder and place: Dr. K.B. Hedgewar, at Nagpur, on Vijayadashami 1925 (unverified).
• Freedom struggle: The op-ed describes the early years as marked by "conspicuous silence and distancing from the freedom struggle", while Congress leaders were courting arrest [1].
• Key milestones (all unverified):
• M.S. Golwalkar became the second Sarsanghchalak in 1940.
• The RSS was banned in February 1948 after Gandhi's assassination and the ban was lifted in 1949.

• It was banned again during the Emergency (1975–77) and briefly in 1992 after the Babri Masjid demolition.

• Political offshoots:

• Bharatiya Jana Sangh (1951) → BJP (1980) (unverified).

• Today the BJP is one of 32 RSS-inspired organisations, collectively called the "Sangh Parivar" [1].

• 2025–26: Centenary celebrations ran through the year and concluded on 20 October 2026 [1].

4. Core Static Facts

Item	Fact
Full name	Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh [1]
Founded	1925 [1]
Centenary concluded	Vijayadashami, 20 October 2026 [1]
Daily shakhas	88,949 [1]
Locations	55,683 [1]
Inspired organisations	32, including the BJP [1]
Self-description	Cultural, not political, organisation [1]
Founder / HQ	K.B. Hedgewar / Nagpur (unverified)
Head's title	Sarsanghchalak (unverified)
Legal status	Not a registered political party, so not regulated by the ECI as one (unverified)

Key terms

• Shakha: the daily local branch meeting [1].
• Swayamsevak: a volunteer.
• Sangh Parivar: the family of affiliated organisations.
• Hindutva: cultural nationalism.
• "RSS 2.0": the op-ed's term for a possibly reformed, more inclusive RSS [1].

5. Multi-Dimensional Analysis

Historical

• The RSS was born in 1925, during anti-colonial ferment, as a cultural rather than political movement [1].
• Critics point to its distance from the freedom struggle [1]. Supporters stress its discipline and service [1].

Social

• Supporters see the RSS as a "proud assertion of Hindu identity" and a vehicle for service [1].
• Liberals and secularists link it to a "history of exclusion, communalism, and ideological bigotry" [1]. This is relevant to the GS-I topic "communalism".

Political / Governance

• Its organisational depth is large: 88,949 shakhas [1]. This shows how non-party cultural networks shape electoral politics.
• The BJP is an RSS-inspired organisation in government [1]. This raises questions about accountability of non-state actors that influence policy.

Constitutional / Legal

• The central tension is with the secularism of the Preamble (the word "secular" was added by the 42nd Amendment, 1976) and Articles 25–28 (unverified).
• The op-ed frames the test as protecting India's pluralist traditions [1].
• Article 19(1)(c) (freedom of association) and the history of bans and their revocation show how the state regulates associations (unverified).

Ethical

• Inclusion vs. majoritarian assertion: can a cultural body reconcile its identity with constitutional morality? [1]
• The idea of a modus vivendi points to democratic coexistence across ideological lines [1].

6. Recent Developments (last 12–18 months)

• Vijayadashami 2025: The RSS formally entered its 100th year. Government commemorations, reportedly a postage stamp and coin, were released in October 2025 (unverified).
• 2025–26: Centenary programmes ran nationwide [1].
• 20 October 2026: The centenary celebrations concluded on Vijayadashami [1].
• 21 October 2026: Shashi Tharoor's op-ed raised the "RSS 2.0" debate on change and continuity [1].

7. Prelims Hooks

• The RSS was founded in 1925 [1].
• Its centenary celebrations concluded on Vijayadashami, 20 October 2026 [1].
• It runs 88,949 daily shakhas [1].
• These shakhas meet at 55,683 locations [1].
• It has inspired 32 organisations, including the BJP [1].
• It describes its origin as a "cultural response to Hindu subjugation" [1].
• The founder was K.B. Hedgewar, at Nagpur (unverified).
• It was first banned in February 1948, after Gandhi's assassination, by the government with Sardar Patel as Home Minister (unverified).
• The head of the RSS is called the Sarsanghchalak (unverified).
• The Bharatiya Jana Sangh, a precursor of the BJP, was founded in 1951 by Syama Prasad Mookerjee (unverified).
• The BJP was formed in 1980 (unverified).
• "Secular" was inserted into the Preamble by the 42nd Constitutional Amendment, 1976 (unverified).

8. The 1949 Promise to Stay Out of Politics, and What Happened Next

• The ban was lifted on a condition
• The RSS was banned in February 1948. The government said it was linked to Gandhi's assassination and that it spread communalism (hostility between religious groups) and gave military-style training [2][3].

• The ban was lifted in July 1949. The RSS agreed to adopt a written constitution and to keep away from political activity [2].

• The 'cultural, not political' label has been under strain ever since

• The RSS still calls itself a cultural organisation [1].
• But it has inspired 32 organisations, and one of them, the BJP, now governs India [1].

• So the RSS shapes politics through other bodies, while it does not contest elections itself.

• Why this matters for accountability

• A political party answers to voters at every election.
• A cultural body that trains the party's cadre (its trained workers) and shapes its ideas does not.

• This is the gap behind the note's GS-II question on influence 'without electoral accountability'.

• Exam use: quote the 1949 condition when you discuss the line between a pressure group (a body that influences policy without seeking power) and a party [2].

9. Why the 2024 Order on Civil Servants Is Contested

• What changed
• Office memoranda (official orders) from 1966, 1970 and 1980 had barred Central government employees from taking part in RSS activities [4].

• A memorandum dated 9 July 2024 from the Ministry of Personnel removed the RSS from those orders [4].

• The same rule now treats two groups differently

• The 1966 order also barred employees from Jamaat-e-Islami activities. That bar is still in force [4].
• Critics ask what test separates the two. The government gave no public reason beyond saying the orders had been 'reviewed' [4].

• Without a stated test, the rule looks like a choice about which ideology is acceptable, not a neutral standard.

• Why it touches civil service neutrality

• A neutral bureaucracy must serve every elected government equally.
• The Congress said the order would politicise government employees on ideological lines. The Opposition leaders Mayawati and Owaisi also criticised it [4].

• The BJP and RSS welcomed it. They argued the RSS is a cultural body, not a political one [4].

• The states now follow different rules

• Madhya Pradesh had already lifted its own ban, and the Madhya Pradesh High Court had also ruled against the ban [4].
• Tamil Nadu restricted RSS activities in government spaces. In October 2025 Karnataka's Chief Minister ordered a review of that model [5].
• So the same activity by a government employee can be allowed in one state and restricted in another. This is a federalism angle for GS-II.

10. The Strongest Case for the RSS, and Where It Falls Short

• The defence, put at its strongest
• Later investigations cleared the RSS leadership of any role in Gandhi's assassination [2].
• All three national bans (1948, 1975, 1992) were later lifted, in 1949, 1977 and 1993 [2].
• 88,949 daily shakhas show real roots in society. An organisation of that size is not a fringe group [1].

• Supporters see it as service and a proud assertion of Hindu identity [1].

• What is right about this

• Being legal is not the same as being guilty. Article 19(1)(c) (freedom to form associations) protects the RSS like any other group.

• A democracy cannot ban an organisation for its ideas alone.

• Where it falls short

• The question in the op-ed is not 'is the RSS legal?' It is 'does it protect India's pluralist traditions?' (pluralism means many faiths and cultures living as equals) [1].
• Clearing the leadership of a crime does not answer the charge of a 'history of exclusion, communalism, and ideological bigotry' [1].

• Size cuts both ways. The bigger the network, the more its ideas shape the state through the 32 organisations it has inspired [1].

• Balanced line for Mains: the RSS has the full right to exist. The real question is whether its influence on the state matches the inclusion the Constitution demands.

11. What Would Show That 'RSS 2.0' Is Real

• The op-ed's test is about actions, not statements
• Tharoor says RSS 2.0 must show a commitment to inclusion and to protecting pluralism [1].

• So any change should be visible in what the organisation and its affiliates do.

• The Ministry of Personnel should publish one test for all organisations

• Today the RSS has been removed from the bar on civil servants, but Jamaat-e-Islami has not, and no reason has been given [4].

• One public rule, such as 'no link to violence or hate speech', applied equally to every group, would answer the charge of favouritism.

• The state has set conditions before, and it can do so openly again

• In 1949 the government lifted the ban only after the RSS agreed to a written constitution and to stay out of politics [2].

• That shows the state can bind an association to clear, public promises instead of choosing between a full ban and no rules at all.

• States should not make up rules one by one

• Madhya Pradesh allows RSS activity, Tamil Nadu restricts it and Karnataka is reviewing [4][5].

• A common standard, discussed through a body like the Inter-State Council, would stop a civil servant's rights from depending on which state they work in.

• The RSS leadership's own test

• If affiliates promote exclusion, the RSS should openly say so and distance itself. The op-ed's 'modus vivendi' (a working peace) with secular Indians depends on this [1].

12. Anchors for Answers

• Data: 88,949 daily shakhas at 55,683 locations; 32 inspired organisations including the BJP [1]
• Law/Case: 1948 ban lifted in July 1949 on condition of a written constitution and no political activity [2]; Ministry of Personnel memorandum of 9 July 2024 removing the RSS from the 1966/1970/1980 bar on government employees, with the Jamaat-e-Islami bar retained [4]; Article 19(1)(c), freedom of association
• Comparison: State divergence: Madhya Pradesh lifted its ban (backed by a High Court ruling); Tamil Nadu restricts RSS activity in government spaces; Karnataka ordered a review in October 2025 [4][5]
• Report/Committee: Later investigations cleared the RSS leadership of a role in Gandhi's assassination [2]

13. Mains Relevance

• GS-I:
• Modern Indian history: significant personalities, contributions and the role of different sections in the freedom struggle.

• Communalism, regionalism and secularism.

• GS-II:

• Pressure groups and formal/informal associations and their role in the polity.

• Secularism under the Constitution.

• GS-IV:

• Constitutional morality, tolerance and pluralism as values.

• Essay: Identity, nationalism and pluralism.

Possible question stems

1. "Cultural organisations in India often wield political influence without electoral accountability." Critically examine with reference to the role of pressure groups in Indian democracy. (GS-II, 15 marks)
2. Discuss the changing contours of communalism and secularism in India. How can organisations rooted in religious identity contribute to an inclusive nationalism? (GS-I, 15 marks)
3. "Pluralism is India's civilisational strength." In light of debates around majoritarianism, examine the challenges to and safeguards for pluralism in contemporary India. (GS-I/Essay)

14. Related Topics to Study Next

• Secularism (Indian vs. Western model): This is the core constitutional frame for the RSS debate.
• Communalism in India (origins, 1920s riots, Partition): This is the historical context of the RSS's founding.
• Pressure groups and interest groups: The RSS is the textbook example of a cultural pressure group.
• Hindu Mahasabha (1915) and Muslim League (1906): These are contemporaneous identity-based organisations.
• The Gandhi assassination and the 1948 ban: This shows how the state regulates associations.
• Article 19 and reasonable restrictions on association: This is the legal basis for banning organisations.
• Sree Narayana Guru and reform Hinduism: The op-ed's author connects it to an inclusive Hindu tradition [1].
• Emergency (1975–77): Bans on organisations and the 42nd Amendment.

15. NCERT Concepts to Revise

• Communalism (Polity): The note frames the RSS debate around communalism versus secularism, a core GS-I theme.
• Secularism (Polity): The op-ed tests the RSS against India's secular constitutional framework, so the Indian model must be clear.
• Pluralism (Polity): The op-ed's central test for 'RSS 2.0' is whether it protects India's pluralist traditions.
• Pressure group (Polity): The note treats the RSS as a cultural pressure group influencing politics without contesting elections.
• Hindutva (Polity): Hindutva is the cultural-nationalist idea behind the RSS and the BJP, and it is key to the debate.
• Constitutional morality (Polity): The ethics section asks whether a cultural body can reconcile its identity with constitutional morality.

16. Common Errors / Trap Areas

• Founding year: It is 1925, not 1923 or 1927 [1]. Do not confuse it with the Hindu Mahasabha (1915) or the Communist Party of India (1925), which was founded the same year (unverified).
• Party vs. organisation: The RSS is not a political party. The BJP is an inspired or affiliated body [1], and the RSS is not registered with the ECI (unverified).
• Shakha numbers: 88,949 is the number of shakhas and 55,683 is the number of locations. Do not swap them [1].
• Centenary timing: The centenary was marked on Vijayadashami, a lunar date, not a fixed Gregorian date. In 2026 it fell on 20 October [1].
• Ban chronology: The 1948 ban, the Emergency ban and the 1992 ban are often confused (unverified).