Union Home Minister and Minister of Cooperation Shri Amit Shah inaugurates the Conference on ‘PRAHAAR - CT Policy and Strategy’ in New Delhi

1. At a Glance

• PRAHAAR is India's first comprehensive National Counter-Terrorism Policy & Strategy. The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) released it on 23 February 2026 [2][3].
• It has seven pillars, and their initials spell P-R-A-H-A-A-R: Prevention, Response, Aggregating Internal Capacities, Human Rights, Attenuating Conditions for Terrorism, Aligning International Efforts, Recovery & Resilience [1][3].
• It turns India's counter-terrorism approach from reactive to proactive and makes it intelligence-led. It uses a whole-of-government plus whole-of-society approach [3].
• UPSC relevance: GS-III internal security (terrorism, terror financing, agency coordination), GS-II (federalism, extradition, international cooperation) and GS-IV (human rights vs security).

2. Why in the News

• 28 Sep 2026: Union Home Minister and Minister of Cooperation Amit Shah opened the Conference on "PRAHAAR – CT Policy and Strategy" in New Delhi [1].
• At the conference he launched a new Extradition Portal. Its purpose is to coordinate and speed up efforts to bring fugitives back from abroad [1].
• He announced that 288 fugitive criminals were brought back from 36 countries between 2019 and 2026 [1].
• He also announced action against the Shahzad Bhatti network:
• more than 40 modules busted
• more than 100 FIRs registered
• 350 people arrested across 15 States
• the network declared a terrorist organisation under UAPA [1]

3. Background & Evolution

• Rationale: PRAHAAR brings together, organises and formally sets down as doctrine the counter-terrorism principles and practices built up over twelve years of the current government [3][4].
• Policy line: The government states a "zero-tolerance" policy against all forms and manifestations of terrorism [1][4].
• Milestones:
• Anti-Terrorism Conference-2025: Amit Shah opened it in New Delhi, making it the earlier conference in this series [10].
• 23 Feb 2026: MHA released PRAHAAR as the National CT Policy & Strategy [2][3].
• Shahzad Bhatti network: PIB described it as ISI-backed. More than 200 operatives were arrested ahead of Independence Day, which stopped planned attacks [5].

• 28 Sep 2026: The PRAHAAR CT Policy & Strategy Conference was held and the Extradition Portal was launched [1].

• Institutional predecessor: MHA has a Counter Terrorism and Counter Radicalization (CTCR) Division [9].

• Implementation model: Rollout is progressive and phased. Institutional and systems integration comes first, and results are checked through layered oversight mechanisms [3].

4. Core Static Facts

5. Multi-Dimensional Analysis

Administrative

• Amit Shah stressed that PRAHAAR's principles must reach down to the Thana (police station) level [1].
• He called for an automated counter-terrorism response built into every level of the framework [1].
• He asked State police forces to set up dedicated teams that work with central agencies on bringing back fugitives [1].
• A coordinated chain of command links State police/ATS with central forces such as the NSG [3].

Legal / Constitutional

• UAPA 1967 is the statutory basis for banning organisations and designating individuals as terrorists [6][8].
• The Shahzad Bhatti network was added to the list of designated terrorist organisations [1].
• The Human Rights / Rule of Law pillar is meant to keep counter-terrorism action within constitutional limits [3].

Geopolitical / Strategic

• The Shahzad Bhatti network was ISI-backed and ran cross-border smuggling of weapons, explosives and narcotics [1][5]. This shows the link between narcotics and terror.
• The "Aligning International Efforts" pillar and the FATF alignment aim to block cross-border, state-sponsored terror funding [3].
• On fugitives: 288 were returned from 36 countries, and the Extradition Portal is meant to speed up returns [1].

Governance / Federalism (analysis)

• The Foreign Secretary and State DGsP attended together [1]. This reflects a whole-of-government, Centre–State approach to counter-terrorism.
• Continuous analysis of terror incidents is expected to feed into revisions of the strategy [1].

Scientific / Technological

• The policy covers crypto-wallet tracing, the dark web [3], an automated response architecture [1] and a digital Extradition Portal [1].

Ethical

• The policy explicitly includes a human rights pillar [3]. This is useful for GS-IV questions on balancing security with civil liberties.

6. Recent Developments (last 12–18 months)

• Anti-Terrorism Conference-2025 held in New Delhi [10].
• 23 Feb 2026: PRAHAAR released by MHA [2][3].
• Shahzad Bhatti network: more than 200 operatives arrested before Independence Day [5]. The cumulative total reported on 28 Sep 2026 was 40+ modules, 100+ FIRs and 350 arrests across 15 States [1].
• Shahzad Bhatti network designated a terrorist organisation under UAPA. The 28 Sep 2026 release reports this without giving a date [1].
• 28 Sep 2026: PRAHAAR Conference held and the Extradition Portal launched [1].

7. Prelims Hooks

• PRAHAAR is India's first comprehensive National Counter-Terrorism Policy & Strategy, released by MHA on 23 Feb 2026 [2][3].
• PRAHAAR has seven pillars, and the acronym spells them out [1][3].
• "H" in PRAHAAR = Human Rights and Rule of Law based processes [3].
• Radicalisation falls under the Attenuating conditions pillar [3].
• The whole-of-government approach belongs to Aggregating Internal Capacities; the whole-of-society approach belongs to Recovery & Resilience [3].
• The Multi Agency Centre (MAC) handles real-time intelligence sharing under PRAHAAR [3].
• PRAHAAR's terror-financing measures align with FATF standards [3].
• The PRAHAAR CT Policy & Strategy Conference was held on 28 Sep 2026 in New Delhi [1].
• The Extradition Portal was launched on 28 Sep 2026 by the Union Home Minister [1].
• 288 fugitives from 36 countries were brought back between 2019 and 2026 [1].
• The Shahzad Bhatti network was declared a terrorist organisation under UAPA, 1967 [1][8].
• Terrorist organisations are designated under Section 35 of UAPA and listed in its First Schedule [6][7].
• The Shahzad Bhatti crackdown covered 350 arrests across 15 States [1].
• A 10-year PRAHAAR mechanism was proposed [1].

8. Why a National Strategy Still Depends on State Police

• The Centre writes the plan, but the States hold the police
• Under the Constitution, 'police' and 'public order' are State subjects (Seventh Schedule, List II, Entries 1 and 2). The Seventh Schedule is the part of the Constitution that divides subjects between the Centre and the States.
• So PRAHAAR cannot order a thana (local police station) to act. It can only ask. That is why Amit Shah requested State police to set up dedicated teams and to take PRAHAAR down to the thana level [1].

• In practice, how well PRAHAAR works will depend on how willing each State is and how much capacity it has.

• States have been sending little into the national intelligence system

• The Multi Agency Centre (MAC) only works if every agency feeds information into it.
• In 2016, the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs found a low contribution of State agencies to the inputs received by MAC [12].

• It asked MHA to find out what was stopping States from sharing [12]. PRAHAAR names MAC as its intelligence hub [3], but the public material does not say how it will fix this old gap.

• Only 15 States sent their police chiefs to the conference

• DGsP of 15 States attended in person [1]. The Shahzad Bhatti arrests were also spread across 15 States [1].
• A terror network does not stop at State borders. A plan that relies on voluntary buy-in may leave weak links in the States that engage less.

9. The Old Question PRAHAAR Leaves Open: Who Is in Charge?

• India still has no single agency that directs counter-terrorism work
• In 2016, the Standing Committee said there was no single unified authority to coordinate the NIA, Intelligence Bureau, MAC and NSG [12].

• Each body has its own job: NIA investigates, IB collects intelligence, NSG carries out operations. When no one sits above them, there is no single point where every clue is joined together.

• The last attempt to fix this failed because of the States

• The Centre notified a National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC) in 2012. It was put on hold after States raised federalism concerns [12]. Federalism here means the fear that the Centre would take over State police powers.
• The Committee recommended bringing the NCTC back as the nodal (lead) agency [12].

• PRAHAAR takes a softer route instead: a 'whole-of-government' approach and a coordinated chain of command [3]. It coordinates the agencies but does not set up a new body over them.

• Why this matters in an exam answer

• PRAHAAR avoids the NCTC fight by asking for cooperation instead of creating a new command.

• The cost is that responsibility stays split. When an attack happens, no single agency is clearly accountable.

• Past tools have taken years to start working

• NATGRID (a platform linking agencies to databases such as travel and bank records) was approved in 2013. The Committee found it 'still in its nascent stage' (only just begun), with minimal data sharing [12].
• PRAHAAR's own rollout is also 'progressive and phased' [3]. Aspirants should expect a gap between announcing a policy and seeing it on the ground.

10. Is PRAHAAR New, or Old Practice With a New Name?

• The strongest objection
• The government itself says PRAHAAR brings together and writes down practices built up over twelve years [3][4].
• The problems the 2016 Committee flagged (weak State sharing, no unified authority, slow NATGRID) are not answered by any new institution in the public material [12].

• Critics can therefore say PRAHAAR is a document, not a reform.

• What is fair in this criticism

• The public material does not name a new agency, a separate budget or targets that can be measured.

• Results are to be checked through 'layered oversight mechanisms' [3], but who does the oversight is not spelt out.

• What the criticism misses

• Before PRAHAAR, India had counter-terrorism laws and agencies but no written national doctrine (a single agreed statement of how the country fights terrorism) [3].
• A common doctrine gives State ATS units and central forces the same rulebook. It also sets a 10-year horizon [1], which is longer than one election cycle.

• Writing the policy down also gives Parliament, courts and citizens a text to judge the government against. That includes its own human rights pillar [3].

• Balanced conclusion: PRAHAAR is a useful first step in writing the doctrine down. It is not yet a structural reform. Its real test will be whether institutions change, such as the MAC gap and the unified command question [12].

11. Where Human Rights Sits in PRAHAAR, and Where the UN Puts It

• In the UN model, human rights run through every part of the strategy
• The UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy has four pillars. One of them makes respect for human rights and the rule of law the fundamental basis of all counter-terrorism work [11].

• In PRAHAAR, human rights is one pillar out of seven [3]. The public summary does not say how it limits the Prevention and Response pillars.

• Banning a group is the government's own decision

• Under Section 35 of UAPA, the Central Government adds an organisation to the First Schedule by notification [7]. A notification is an official order published by the government.

• The Shahzad Bhatti network was banned this way [1]. This is a strong tool. The Human Rights pillar matters because this power is used by the executive itself, not first decided by a court.

• Arrest numbers are not the same as justice done

• Press releases count modules busted, FIRs and arrests: 350 arrests and more than 100 FIRs [1].
• They do not report how many cases led to chargesheets or convictions. A chargesheet is the police report that formally sends a case to trial. Convictions show whether the evidence held up in court.

• The 2016 Committee also criticised the slow NIA investigation into the Pathankot attack [12]. Speed and quality of investigation are part of the rule of law too.

• What should follow

• MHA should report chargesheet and conviction figures alongside arrest figures for PRAHAAR cases. That would let the public see if the Human Rights / Rule of Law pillar [3] is working in practice.

12. Anchors for Answers

• Data: 288 fugitives brought back from 36 countries between 2019 and 2026 [1]; Shahzad Bhatti crackdown: 350 arrests, 100+ FIRs, 15 States [1]
• Report/Committee: Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs, report on Border Security (2016): no unified counter-terrorism authority, low State input to MAC, NATGRID 'nascent', NCTC revival recommended [12]
• Law/Case: UAPA 1967, Section 35 (Centre bans organisations by notification, listed in the First Schedule) [7]; Seventh Schedule, List II, Entries 1–2 (public order and police are State subjects)
• Comparison: UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy makes human rights and the rule of law the base of all counter-terrorism work, not one pillar among several [11]
• Scheme: NATGRID, the data-linking platform for agencies, approved in 2013 but slow to start; shows the gap between planning and delivery that PRAHAAR must avoid [12]

13. Mains Relevance

• GS-III: Internal security challenges; linkages between organised crime and terrorism; role of external state and non-state actors; security forces and agencies and their mandates; money laundering and terror financing.
• GS-II: Centre–State relations (police coordination); international institutions and cooperation (extradition, FATF).
• GS-IV: Balancing human rights with national security.
• Possible question stems: 1. "PRAHAAR marks India's shift from a reactive to a doctrine-driven, proactive counter-terrorism posture." Critically examine this with reference to its seven pillars. 2. Discuss how the narcotics–arms–terror nexus across India's western border challenges internal security. How far do UAPA designations and inter-agency coordination address it? 3. "Counter-terrorism must be anchored in the Rule of Law." Evaluate the place of human rights within India's national counter-terrorism strategy.

14. Related Topics to Study Next

• UAPA, 1967 and its designation regime (Section 35, First Schedule): the legal tool used against the Shahzad Bhatti network [6][7].
• Multi Agency Centre (MAC): the intelligence-fusion hub at the centre of PRAHAAR [3].
• NSG and State ATS: the response chain under the "Response" pillar [1][3].
• FATF and terror-financing standards: linked to the "Aligning International Efforts" pillar [3].
• UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy: the multilateral framework that PRAHAAR aligns with [11].
• MHA CTCR Division: the administrative home of counter-terrorism and counter-radicalisation work [9].
• Extradition framework and fugitive returns: context for the new Extradition Portal [1].
• Narco-terror networks along the western border: ISI-backed modules [5].

15. Common Errors / Trap Areas

• Dates: PRAHAAR was released on 23 Feb 2026 [2][3]. The conference was on 28 Sep 2026 [1]. Do not mix them up.
• Pillar wording: "A" stands for three different pillars: Aggregating, Attenuating and Aligning. "H" is Human Rights, not "Homeland" [3].
• Numbers: It is 288 fugitives from 36 countries [1], not 36 fugitives. The Shahzad Bhatti case had 350 arrests across 15 States [1], while the pre-Independence Day figure was more than 200 operatives [5].
• Portal: The Extradition Portal was launched by the Union Home Minister (MHA), not announced by MEA [1].
• Legal provision: Organisations are designated under Section 35 and listed in the First Schedule of UAPA [6][7]. Do not confuse this with provisions under BNS or PMLA.