The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments provided a tested template for women's political reservation. Can the same model be successfully scaled to Parliament? Discuss the opportunities and structural challenges.

Q. The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments provided a tested template for women's political reservation. Can the same model be successfully scaled to Parliament? (15 marks, 250-350 words)

The 73rd and 74th Amendments (1992) reserved one-third of seats in Panchayats and municipalities for women; today nearly 46% of the roughly 31 lakh local representatives are women [2]. The Constitution (106th) Amendment, 2023 borrows this template for Parliament — transferable in design, but not automatically successful in a larger, higher-stakes arena.

Opportunities: why the template travels well

• Design continuity — the 2023 Act replicates the proven architecture: one-third of seats, an SC/ST sub-quota within reserved constituencies, and rotation after delimitation (Articles 330A, 332A, 334A) [1].
• A ready leadership pipeline — over 21 states have moved to 50% reservation in PRIs, creating a large feeder pool of experienced women leaders for higher office [2].
• Corrects a stark deficit — women form only about 15% of the Lok Sabha and 9% of MLAs [3]; the local-body experience shows quotas, not exhortation, shift these numbers.
• Political viability demonstrated — the local model's acceptance helped the 2023 Act pass with near-unanimity in both Houses.

Structural challenges in scaling up

• Deferred commencement — reservation begins only after a delimitation exercise based on the first Census after enactment; the Act remains inoperative [1].
• Contested unlocking — the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026, which sought to use 2011 Census figures, was voted down in Lok Sabha, rendering the companion Delimitation Bill infructuous; southern states objected to projected seat losses [4].
• Rotation cost — reserving constituencies afresh at each delimitation disrupts constituency nurturing, a known local-body weakness magnified in national politics [1].
• Untouched gatekeeping — parties retain full discretion over ticket distribution, and demands for an OBC sub-quota remain unresolved.

The panchayat template supplies proof of concept, not a plug-in solution. Scaling it needs the delimitation lock resolved through federal consensus, stable rotation cycles, and voluntary intra-party candidate reform. Done so, the 106th Amendment can convert Article 15(3)'s promise of affirmative action into substantive parity, advancing SDG 5.5 on women's leadership.

(~330 words)

Sources: 1. Women's Reservation Bill 2023 — Constitution (128th Amendment) Bill, PRS Legislative Research — one-third quota, SC/ST sub-reservation, rotation after delimitation, census-linked commencement, 15-year duration 2. Government adopts comprehensive strategy for Women's Empowerment, focusing on Political Participation and Local Governance, PIB — 46% (14.5 lakh) women among local representatives; 21 states with 50% PRI reservation 3. Women in Parliament and State Assemblies, PRS Vital Stats — 15% women in Lok Sabha, 9% in state assemblies 4. The Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026 — Delimitation Bills of 2026, PRS Legislative Research — use of 2011 Census, projected state seat changes, Bill voted down in Lok Sabha