Examine the ethical dilemmas involved in policing protests — balancing maintenance of public order with protection of civil liberties.
Q. Examine the ethical dilemmas involved in policing protests — balancing maintenance of public order with protection of civil liberties. (15 marks, 250-350 words)
Policing a protest places the constable at the intersection of two constitutional duties: protecting the freedoms of speech and peaceable assembly under Articles 19(1)(a) and 19(1)(b), and enforcing the "reasonable restrictions" of Article 19(3) [2]. The Supreme Court's July 2026 observation that peaceful agitation cannot justify a lathi-charge, while attacks on police also need impartial scrutiny, captures this dilemma precisely [1].
Core ethical dilemmas - Order versus liberty: dispersing a crowd restores traffic and calm, but a protest that inconveniences no one loses its voice. The dilemma is where legitimate dissent ends and unlawful obstruction begins. - Proportionality versus deterrence: force must be the minimum necessary, yet officers face pressure to act early and visibly. Excess is judged after the fact — NHRC requires deaths in police action to be reported within 48 hours and scrutinises "excess use of force" [4]. - Obedience versus conscience: political superintendence over the police can shade into partisan direction, tempting selective toughness against some protestors and leniency to others [3]. - Impartiality versus institutional loyalty: complaints against colleagues test integrity when internal solidarity discourages honest reporting. - Duty of care both ways: the state owes safety to protestors and to under-equipped personnel facing stone-pelting — a genuine conflict of obligations, not a one-sided failing [1].
Why the dilemma stays unresolved - Policing is a State subject with no uniform national protocol; crowd-control practice varies widely across states [3][1]. - Routine recourse to blanket prohibitory orders converts an exception into a norm, criminalising assembly itself. - Police Complaints Authorities remain weak or unfilled in many states, so accountability rests on discretion rather than process [3].
The dilemma is real but not irreducible: it eases when discretion is replaced by rules the officer can defend. A pan-India protocol on graded force, mandatory identification and videography, independent inquiry into excesses, and human-rights and crowd-psychology training — as the Second ARC urged for public order administration [5] — would let the police protect order and liberty, honouring the constitutional promise of Article 19 rather than trading one duty against the other.
(~330 words)
Sources: 1. The Hindu, "SC considers guidelines for police during mass protests" (28 July 2026) — CJI Surya Kant bench's observation on peaceful protest, lathi-charge, impartial examination of excesses, and the need for a uniform pan-India protocol 2. The Constitution of India, Articles 19(1)(a), 19(1)(b) and 19(3) — India Code, Ministry of Law and Justice — freedoms of speech and peaceable assembly, subject to reasonable restrictions 3. PRS Legislative Research, "Police Reforms in India" — policing as a State subject, political superintendence and its misuse, accountability and complaints machinery 4. National Human Rights Commission, Investigation Division — 48-hour reporting of deaths in police action and scrutiny of excess use of force 5. Second Administrative Reforms Commission, Fifth Report: "Public Order" (2007), DARPG — reform of police training, use-of-force norms and public order administration